THE UNDERLYING CAUSES FOR SOCIAL TURMOIL WITHIN THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
INTRODUCTION:
As long as the United States had a homogeneous population that consisted of the same northern European heritage, and relatively equal intelligence among the white ethnic Europeans, we could rally around a common theme, a common purpose. Yet today, we are a nation of fractions, where the parts have become more important than the whole. In order that we may understand better, we must remove ourselves, at least partially from the present and place ourselves into the past. We must remove the decades of forced propaganda to a time of original meaning, of original thought, to the genius that realized the requirements of making a nation. This text will attempt to educate the reader in an approach similar to solving a picture puzzle.
I have extracted quotations from the brightest in our world yesterday and today. The form of government we live under will be analyzed in summary, as will each of the major different groups of people living in this pluralistic, multi-cultured, multi-racial geographic land mass. After conclusion, much of the puzzle will still be missing, however, hopefully there will be enough of the picture showing to give the reader a reasonable idea of the problems underlying the current and upcoming social upheaval in America. I hope it will shed adequate light for the reader where none existed before. It certainly was a learning experience for me, read perhaps 1,000 books on race, past civilizations and Christianity. Kent Crutcher, CPA, MBA, 1989
CHAPTER 1
FORM OF GOVERNMENT OUR ANCESTORS ESTABLISHED, THE ONE WE LIVE UNDER NOW, THE FORM WE MOVE TOWARD?
MONARCHY, REPUBLIC, DEMOCRACY, CAPITALISM, LIBERALISM,
SOCIALISM, PLURALISM,
PLUROCRACY, DICTATORSHIP, COMMUNISM, FACISM, WORLD GOVERNMENT
ALEXIS de TOCQUEVILLE
Alexis Tocqueville was a French writer and statesman. In 1831 he was sent to America to study the prison system. While in America he wrote "Democracy in America" from 1835-1840. This became a classic analysis of American institutions. Tocqueville served as a representative to the national assembly in France 1837-51, becoming vice president of it in 1849, and its minister for foreign affairs briefly in 1849. He opposed Prince Louis Napoleon's rise to power and was forced from political life by the prince's seizure of power in 1851. In 1856, he published the first volume of a historical work on the causes of the French Revolution, "The Old Regime and the Revolution", which he did not live to complete. "Democracy in America" is the device by which the following evolves – these are quotations from that book.
Tocqueville has an interesting discussion on "What sort of Despotism Democratic Nations Have to Fear." It would seem that if despotism were to be established among the democratic nations of our days, it might assume a different character; it would be more extensive and milder; it would degrade men without tormenting them. I think, then, that the species of oppression by which democratic nations are menaced is unlike anything that ever before existed in the world; our contemporaries will find no prototype of it in their memories. I seek in vain for an expression that will accurately convey the whole of the idea I have formed of it; the old words despotism and tyranny are inappropriate: the thing itself is new, and since I cannot name it, I must attempt to define it.
˜It would be like the authority of a parent if, like that authority, its object was to prepare men for manhood; but it seeks, on the contrary, to keep them in perpetual childhood: it is well content that the people should rejoice, provided they think of nothing but rejoicing. For their happiness such a government willingly labors, but it chooses to be the sole agent and the only arbiter of that happiness; it provides for their security, foresees and supplies their necessities, facilitates their pleasures, manages their principle concerns, directs their industry, regulates the descent of property, and subdivides their inheritances: what remains but to spare them all the care of thinking and all the troubles of living.
Thus it every day renders the exercise of the free agency of man less useful and less frequent; it circumscribes the will within a narrower range and gradually robs a man of all the uses of himself. The principle of equality has prepared man for these things; it has predisposed men to endure them and often to look on them as benefits.
After having thus successively taken each member of the community in its powerful grasp and fashioned him at will, the supreme power then extends its arm over the whole community. It covers the surface of society with a network of small complicated rules, minute and uniform, through which the most original minds and the most energetic characters cannot penetrate, to rise above the crowd. The will of man is not shattered but softened, bent, and guided; men are seldom forced by it to act, but they are constantly restrained from acting. Such a power does not destroy, but it prevents existence, it does not tyrannize, but it compresses, enervates, extinguishes and stupefies a people, till each nation is reduced to nothing better than a flock of timid and industrious animals of which the government is the shepherd.
Our contemporaries are constantly excited by two conflicting passions: they want to be led, and they wish to remain free. As they cannot destroy either the one or the other of these contrary propensities, they strive to satisfy them both at once. They devise a sole, tutelary, and all powerful form of government, but elected by the people. They combine the principle of centralization and that of popular sovereignty; this gives them a respite: they console themselves for being in tutelage by the reflection that they have chosen their own guardians. Every man allows himself to be put in leading-strings, because he sees that it is not a person or a class of persons, but the people at large who hold the end of his chain.
By this system the people shake off their state of dependence just long enough to select their master and then relapse into it again. A great many persons at the present day are quite contented with this sort of compromise between administration despotism and the sovereignty of the people; and they think they have done enough for the protection of individual freedom when they have surrendered it to the power of the nation at large.
When the sovereign is elective, or narrowly watched by a legislature which is really elective and independent, the oppression that he exercises over individuals is sometimes greater, but it is always less degrading; because every man, when he is oppressed and disarmed, may still imagine that, while he yields obedience, it is to himself he yields it, and that is to one of his own inclinations that all the rest give way. In like manner, I can understand that when the sovereign represents the nation and is dependent upon the people, the rights and the power of which every citizen is deprived serve not only the head of the state, but the state itself, and that private persons derive some return from the sacrifice of their independence which they have made to the public. To create a representation of the people in every centralized country is therefore, to diminish the evil that extreme centralization may produce, but not to get rid of it.
It must not be forgotten that it is especially dangerous to enslave men in the minor details of life. I should think that freedom is less necessary in great things than in little ones, if it were possible to be secure of the one without possessing the other.
Subjection in minor affairs breaks out every day and is felt by the whole community indiscriminately. It does not drive men to resistance, but it crosses them at every turn, till they are led to surrender the exercise of their own free will. Thus their spirit is gradually broken and their character enervated; whereas that obedience which is exacted on a few important but rare occasions only exhibits servitude at certain intervals and throws the burden of it upon a small number of men. It is vain to summon a people who have been rendered so dependent on the central power to choose from time to time the representatives of that power; this rare and brief exercise of their free choice, however important it may be, will not prevent them from gradually losing the faculties of thinking, feeling, and acting for themselves, and thus gradually falling below the level of humanity.
I add that they will soon become incapable of exercising the great and only privilege which remains to them. The democratic nations that have introduced freedom into their political constitution at the very time when they were augmenting the despotism of their administration constitution have been led into strange paradoxes. After having exhausted all the different modes of election without finding one to suit their purpose, they are still amazed and still bent on seeking further; as if the evil they notice did not originate in the constitution of the country far more than in that of the electoral body.
It is indeed difficult to conceive how men who have entirely given up the habit of self-government should succeed in making a proper choice of those by whom they are to be governed; and no one will ever believe that a liberal, wise, and energetic government can spring from the suffrages of a subservient people.
I therefore believe that it is easier to establish an absolute and despotic government among a people in which the conditions of society are equal than among any other; and I think that if such a government were once established among such a people, it not only would oppress men, but would eventually strip each of them of several of the highest qualities of humanity. Despotism, therefore, appears to me particularly to be dreaded in democratic times.
It would seem as if the rulers of our time sought only to use men in order to make things great; I wish that they would try a little more to make great men; that they would set less value on the work and more upon the workman; that they would never forget that a nation can no longer remain strong when every man belonging to it is individually weak; and that no form or combination of social policy has yet been devised to make an energetic people out of a community of pusillanimous and enfeebled citizens.
The nations of our time cannot prevent the conditions of men from becoming equal, but it depends upon themselves whether the principle of equality is to lead them to servitude, to knowledge or barbarism, to prosperity or wretchedness.
Equality, which brings great benefits to the world, tends to isolate men from one another, to concentrate every man's attention upon himself and it lays open the soul to an inordinate love of material gratification.
The pleasures of equality are self-proffered, each of the petty incidents of life seems to occasion them, and in order to taste them, and nothing is required but to live. Democratic nations are at all times fond of equality, but there are certain epochs at which the passion they entertain for it swells to the height of fury. This occurs at the moment when the old social system, long menaced, is overthrown after a severe internal struggle, and the barriers of rank are at length thrown down. At such times men pounce upon equality as their booty, and they cling to it as to some precious treasure which they fear to lose. The "passion for equality˜ penetrates on every side into men's hearts, expands there, and fills them entirely. Tell them not that by this blind surrender of themselves to an exclusive passion they risk their dearest interests; they are deaf. Show them not freedom escaping from their grasp while they are looking another way; they are blind, or rather they can discern by one object to be desired in the universe.
I think that democratic communities have a natural taste for freedom left to themselves, they will seek it, cherish it, and view any privation of it with regret. But for equality their passion is ardent, insatiable, incessant, and invincible; they call for equality in freedom and if they cannot obtain that, they still call for equality in slavery. They will endure poverty, servitude, barbarism, but they will not endure aristocracy. This is true at all times, and especially in our own day. All men and all powers seeking to cope with this irresistible passion will be overthrown and destroyed by it. In our age freedom cannot be established without it, and despotism itself cannot reign without its support.
The vices which despotism produces are precisely those which equality fosters. These two things perniciously complete and assist each other. Equality places men side by side, unconnected by any common tie; despotism raises barriers to keep them asunder; the former predisposes them not to consider their fellow creatures, the latter makes general-indifference a sort of public virtue.
KARL MARX (1818-1883) and FEDERICK ENGELS (1810-1895)
Karl Marx and Frederick Engels were key players in the formation of the Communists party in 1847. In the same year Engles started, and Marx rewrote the Communist Manifesto which set the stage for a political philosophy they were to spend the rest of their lives spreading. Marxian theory, or Marxism, is the father of all modern day communist governments. As Marxism sees it, the final solution is for the proletariat (proles), or working class, to overthrow its oppressors, the property owners.
Upon review of the document, one item is clear, strip the property holder of his private property and redistribute "to the people" (incurrent Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), and soon to be South Africa, these are the Blacks, (in America it will be predominately Black and Mexican). Marx is quoted "The abolition of pre-existent property relations is not a process exclusively characteristic of Communism. Throughout the course of history, all property relations have been subject to continuous change, unceasing transformation. Communists can sum up their theory in the pithy phrase: the abolition of private property. Private property exists because only 9/10 of the population have none of it".
Under the Principles of Communism, by F. Engles, he has a
question and answer discussion.
Question 17: Will it be possible to abolish private property with one blow? Answer: No. Such a thing would be just as impossible as at one blow to multiply the exact forces of production to the degree necessary for the inauguration of communal ownership in the means of production. Private property will be abolished only when the necessary quantity of means of production has been created.
He states further "Democracy will be of no use to the proletariat unless it serves as the means for a direct attack upon private property and for safeguarding the existence of the proletariat Extant measures make it necessary to introduce the following measures as being those of most importance:
1. Limitation of
private property by means of a graduated income tax, high death duties,
abolition of inheritance.
2. Gradual
expropriation of landed proprietors.
3. Confiscation of the
property of all emigres and rebels against the majority of the people. (In current
Rhodesia, all white, and only white, property owners must give up their property
for a nominal reimbursement. Those who object are labeled, "racists" and given
nothing.)
4. Putting an end
to competition among workers themselves.
5. Universal and equal obligation to work for all members of society until the abolition of private property is completed;
Question 19: Can such a revolution take place in one country alone? Answer: No. Large-scale industry, by creating a world market, has so linked up the peoples of the earth, and especially the civilized peoples of the earth, that each of them is dependent on what happens in other lands. The communist revolution will therefore, not be a national revolution alone; it will take place in all civilized countries, or at least in Great Britain, the U.S., France and Germany, at one and the same time. In each of these countries, it will take a longer or a shorter time to develop according to whether industrial life has attained a high degree of evolution, has amassed great wealth, and has a considerable quantity of the forces of production at its disposal. The revolution will assume its slowest pace and be most difficult of achievement in Germany; in Great Britain it will go ahead quickly and easily. It will exercise considerable influence upon all other lands, changing and hastening the process of their development. This is to be a universal revolution, and will, therefore, have the whole world as field for its operation
.
Question 21: "What influences will the Communist order of society have upon the family? Answer: It will make the relations between the sexes a purely individual, private affair which concerns only the two persons involved; a relationship which is in no way the concern of society. This attitude is made possible because private property will have been abolished and the children will be communally educated. Thereby the two foundation stones of hitherto extant forms of marriage (the dependence of the wife upon her husband and of the children upon the parents) will have been abolished.
Engle states (1891) "Nowhere do politicians form a more separate and powerful section of the nation than precisely in North America. There, each of the two major parties which alternately succeed each other in power is itself in turn controlled by people who make a business of politics, who speculate on seats in the legislature assemblies of the Union as well as of the separate states or who make a living by carrying on agitation for their party and on its victory are rewarded with positions. It is well known how the Americans have been trying for thirty years to shake off this yoke, which has become intolerable, and how in spite of it all they continue to sink ever deeper in this swamp of corruption. It is precisely in America that we see best how there takes place this process of the state power making itself independent in relation to society, whose mere instrument it was originally intended to be. We find here two great gangs of political speculators, who alternately take possession of the state power and exploit it by the most corrupt means and for the most corrupt ends-and the nation is powerless against these two great cartels of politicians, who are ostensibly its servants, but in reality dominate and plunder it."
In a letter to F. Wiesen in Baird, Texas, 1893, Engles states, "One can be of the opinion that the best method of abolishing the President's office and the Senate in America is to elect men to these positions who are pledged to carry through the abolition, and hence one will act accordingly.˜ Others may be of the opinion that this method is inexpedient, that is a debatable matter. In another letter, dated 1893, Engles states, “In America, "money economy" has been fully established for more than a century, in Russia, "Natural Economy" was all but exclusively the rule. Therefore it stands to reason that the change, in Russia, must be far more violent, far more incisive, and accompanied by immensely greater suffering than it can be in America." "Expecting a people to ignore innate requirements, who possess different innate genetic abilities will not work over time. The people can be forced to accept the dictator, but the theory will simply will not, and has not succeeded."
STALIN, JOESPH (1879-1953)
"It is necessary for Communists," Lenin preached, "to use any ruse, cunning, unlawful method, evasion, concealment of truth to gain their ends." ˜Years later, Alger Hiss (chief founder of the UN), himself a rock-bound Leninist, said admiringly of Stalin "He plays for keeps."˜ It is estimated he was responsible for over 40 million murders (some fast, some slow) in the Soviet Union.
After WWII
Yugoslavia broke away from the Soviet Union with Tito as the ruler of the
country.
Milovan Djilas, one of Tito's leaders wrote "Conversations with Stalin."
Mr. Djilas had a few remarks taken place prior to 1953 that, perhaps, are of
interest in learning more of the mind of a Communist leader.
There were anecdotes. Stalin liked one in particular which I told. "A Turk and a Montenegrin were talking during a rare moment of truce. The Turk wondered why the Montenegrin constantly waged war. "For plunder," the Montenegrin replied. "We are poor and hope to get some booty. And what are you fighting for?" "For honor and glory," replied the Turk. To which the Montenegrin rejoined, "Everyone fights for what he doesn't have." Stalin commented, roaring: By God, that's deep: everyone fights for what he doesn't have."
At one point in the book, Djlias states, "At that time I was still capable of believing that I could be a Communist and remain a free man." He also stated, "It is indeed true that no one can take freedom from another without losing his own."
Trotsky suspects that Stalin killed Lenin, with the excuse that he was shortening his misery. It is claimed that Stalin killed his own wife, or in any case, through his harshness, he caused her to kill herself. Every crime was possible to Stalin, for there was not one he had not committed. Whatever standards we use to take his measure, in any event, let us hope for all time to come to him will fall the glory of being the greatest criminal in history. I was more interested, and am more interested, in how such a dark, cunning, and cruel individual could ever have led one of the greatest and most powerful states, not just for a day or a year, but for thirty years! If we assume the viewpoint of humanity and freedom, history does not know a despot as brutal and as cynical as Stalin was. He was methodical, all-embracing, and total as a criminal. All in all, Stalin was a monster who, while adhering to abstract, absolute, and fundamentally utopian ideas, in practice recognized, and could recognize, only success-violence, physical and spiritual extermination.
MAO TSE-TUNG
Mao, born
1893, was one of the 12 founders of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921. He may well be
remembered not only as the father of his country, the People's Republic of
China, but as the mother, grandmother, and midwife as well. Today 85% of
China's huge, billion plus population live as their grandfathers did. They farm the land
with oxen and live very simply. Mao advocated a revolution utilizing these
peasants as the catalyst.
Mao states "One requirement of Party discipline is that the minority should submit to the majority. It must suppose the decision passed by the majority."
On equality he states, "Absolute equalitarianism became quite serious in the Red Army at one time. Here are some examples. On the matter of allowances to wounded soldiers, there were objections to differentiating between light and serious cases, and a demand for equal allowances for all. When officers rode on horseback, it was regarded not as something necessary for performing their duties but as a sign of inequality. It even went so far that when there were two wounded men and only one stretcher, neither could be carried away because each refused to yield priority to the other.
We should point out that, before the abolition of capitalism, absolute equalitarianism is a mere illusion of peasants and small proprietors, and that even under socialism there can be no absolute equality, for material things will then be distributed on the principle of from each according to his ability, to each according to his work as well as on that of meeting the needs of the work.
But absolute equalitarianism beyond reason must be opposed because it is not required by the struggle; on the contrary, it hinders the struggle. Whoever advocates absolute equalitarianism is wrong. There is a kind of thinking now current in the countryside which undermines industry and commerce and advocates absolute equalitarianism in land distribution. Such thinking is reactionary, backward and retrogressive in nature.
China went to war with Japan after Japan invaded Manchuria. Japan was the stronger power with better warriors. To resist the overthrow and provide a means to unite the masses, on May 7, 1937, Mao states, "In the new stage, democracy is the most essential thing for resistance to Japan, and to work for democracy is to work for resistance to Japan. Resistance and democracy are interdependent, just as are resistance and internal peace, democracy and internal peace. Democracy is the guarantee of resistance, while resistance can provide favorable conditions for developing the movement for democracy."
In relation to the war with Japan, Mao further states, "the government must be transformed into a united front government in which the representatives play their part. Secondly, the people must be granted freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of assembly and association and the right to take up arms. Thirdly the people’s livelihood must be improved through such measures as the abolition of exorbitant taxes and miscellaneous levies, the reduction of rent and interest. Then on 11-12-1937, "A war of partial resistance (war with Japan) by the government alone without the mass participation of the people will certainly fail. "If such a republic is to be established in China, it must be new-democratic not only in its politics but also in its economy. The whole world today depends on Communism for its salvation, and China is no exception."
On liberalism, Mao states, "Liberalism rejects ideological struggle and stands for unprincipled peace, thus giving rise to a decadent philistine attitude. Liberalism manifests itself in various ways. To let things slide for the sake of peace and friendship when a person has clearly gone wrong... To indulge in irresponsible criticism... Not to obey orders but to give pride of place to one's own opinion... To indulge in personal attacks, pick quarrels, vent personal spite or seek revenge... To hear incorrect views without rebutting them and even to hear counterrevolutionary remarks without reporting them... To be among the masses and fail to conduct propaganda and agitation...To see someone harming the interest of the masses and yet not feel indignant... To be aware of one's own mistakes and yet make no attempt to correct them. Liberalism is extremely harmful in a revolutionary collective. It is a corrosive which eats away unity, undermines cohesion, causes apathy and creates dissension. People who are liberals look upon the principles of Marxism as abstract dogma. They approve of Marxism but are not prepared to practice it or to practice it in full; they are not prepared to, replace their liberalism by Marxism.
Liberalism is a manifestation of opportunities and conflicts fundamentally with Marxism. We must use Marxism, which is passive in spirit, to overcome liberalism, which is negative. All loyal, honest, active and upright Communists must unite to oppose the liberal tendencies shown by certain people among us, and set them on the right path. This is one of the tasks on our ideological front.
Mao states, "Within
the U.S. there are people's democratic forces which are getting stronger every
day. The
Communists and Workers parties of nine European countries have established their
Information Bureau and issued a call to the people of the world to rise against
the imperialists’ plan of enslavement."
Mao never once defines Communism. Perhaps this wisdom lies in the fact that permanent definitions are much less flexible and cannot conform to changes in political, economic and social conditions.
"The object of war is specifically to preserve oneself and destroy the enemy. To destroy the enemy means to disarm him or deprive him of the power to resist and does not mean destroy every member of his forces physically.
"We should not make the change until, through our work, most of the masses have become conscious of the need and are willing and determined to carry it out. Otherwise we shall isolate ourselves from the masses. Unless they are conscious and willing, any kind of work that requires their participation will turn out to be a mere formality and will fail. There are two principles here: one is the actual needs of the masses rather than what we fancy they need, and the other is the wishes of the masses, who must make up their minds instead of our making up their minds for them."
"Our army has always had two policies. First, we must be ruthless to our enemies, we must overpower and annihilate them. Second, we must be kind to our own people, to our comrades and to our superiors and subordinates, and unite with them."
"In the sphere of theory, destroy the roots of ultra-democracy. First, it should be pointed out that the danger of ultra-democracy lies in the fact that it damages or even completely wrecks the Party organization and weakens or even completely undermines the Party's fighting capacity, rendering the Party incapable of fulfilling its fighting tasks and thereby causing the defeat of the revolution. Next, it should be pointed out that the source of ultra-democracy consists in the petty bourgeoisie's individualistic aversion to discipline. When this characteristic is brought into the Party, it develops into ultra-democratic ideas politically and organizationally. These ideas are utterly incompatible with the fighting tasks of the proletariat."
Concerning women, Mao states, "In order to build a great socialist society, it is of the utmost importance to arouse the broad masses of women to join in productive activity. Men and women must receive equal pay for equal work in production. Genuine equality between the sexes can only be realized in the process of the socialist transformation of society as a whole."
As to the future, Mao promises his own special class
war-the countryside, with the peasantry in the role of the proletariat, vs the
city. "The
oppressed nations and peoples in Africa, Asia, and Latin America against
imperialism and its lackeys will surround and strangle urbanized North America
and Western Europe, the last stronghold of the moneygrubbing capitalist and
bourgeoisie, corrupt labor unions and decadent Communist revisionists." "In the
final analysis, the whole course of world revolution hinges on the revolutionary
struggles of the Asian, African, and Latin American peoples who make up the
overwhelming-majority of the world's population."˜
GEORGE ORWELL
Mr. Orwell
through his fictional writings (1984 and Animal Farm), he is a teacher of the
Communist mentality.
Orwell states "Who controls the past controls the future. Both
these books, although decades old, should be required reading in our public
education system.
MACHIAVELLI
Machiavelli was an Italian statesman and writer. He is known chief for the cynical political philosophy expressed in his book "The Prince. His advice to rulers to be scheming, deceitful, and unscrupulous when necessary to advance their interest made "Machiavellian" a term expressing cunning and duplicity. Some say "The Prince" became a textbook for autocratic rulers.
"The Prince," dedicated to Lorenzo de Medici, was written in 1513. It appeared to be a plea to the ruling family of Medicis to make themselves masters of Italy by the most ruthless and unprincipled means. Some scholars believe Machiavelli saw no hope for his country unless a powerful ruler could create by force and deceit if necessary, an Italian state strong enough to repel foreign invaders. Other historian scholars think that he was only reporting realistically the political methods of his times. Still others assert that his book was a subtle insult to the Medicis who had exiled him.
Quotations from The Prince are stated below.
"A prudent prince
cannot and ought not to keep his word, except when he can do it without injury
to himself."
"The prince must be
a lion, but he must also know how to play the fox."
"To rely wholly on
the lion is unwise; and for this reason a prudent Prince neither can nor ought
to keep his word when to keep it is hurtful to him and the causes which led him
to pledge it are removed. If all men were good, this would not be good
advice, but since they are dishonest and do not keep faith with you, you, in
return need not keep faith with them; and no Prince was ever at a loss for
plausible reasons to cloak a breach of faith.
It is
necessary, indeed, to put a good color on this nature, and to be skillful in
feigning and dissembling. But men are so simple, and governed so
absolutely by their present needs, that he who wishes to deceive will never fail
in finding willing dupes."
"It is well to seem
merciful, faithful, humane, religious, and upright, and also to be so; but the
mind should remain so balanced that were it needful not to be so, you should be
able and know how to change to the contrary."
"A Prince should
therefore be very careful that nothing ever escapes his lips which is not
replete with the five qualities above named, so that to see and hear him, one
would think him the embodiment of mercy, good faith, integrity, kindliness, and
religion. And
there is no virtue which it is more necessary for him to seem to possess than
this last; because men in general judge rather by the eye than by the hand, for
all can see but few can touch. Everyone sees what you seem, but few know
what you are, and these few dare not oppose themselves to the opinion of the
many who have the majesty of the State to back them up.
"The Prince,
as I have said before, sooner becomes hated by being rapacious and by
interfering with the property and with the women of his subjects than in any
other way.
From these therefore, he should abstain."
"To govern more
securely some Princes have disarmed their subjects, others have kept towns
subject to them divided by factions."
"Doubtless, Princes
become great by vanquishing difficulties and opposition, and Fortune, on that
account, especially when she desires to aggrandize a new Prince, who has more
need than a hereditary Prince to win reputation, causes enemies to spring up,
and incites them to attack him, so that he may have opportunities to overcome
them, and climb higher by the ladder which they have planted. For this reason,
many are of the opinion that a wise Prince, when he has the occasion, ought
dexterously to promote hostility to himself in certain quarters, in order that
his greatness may be enhanced by crushing it."
"The best fortress
you can have, is not being hated by your subjects. If they hate you, no fortress
will save you; for when once the people take up arms, foreigners are never
wanting to assist them."
"Nothing makes a
Prince so well thought of as to under make great enterprises and give striking
proofs of his capacity."
"There are three
scales of intelligence, one which understands by itself, a second which
understands what is shown it by others, and a third which understands neither by
itself nor on the showing of others. “The first is most excellent, the second
good, and the third worthless."
"For there is no way to guard against flattery but by letting it be seen that you take no offense in hearing the truth: but when everyone is free to tell you the truth, respect falls short. Wherefore a prudent Prince should follow a middle course, by choosing certain discreet men from among his subjects and allowing them alone free leave to speak their minds on any matter on which he asks their opinion, and on none other. But he ought to ask their opinion on everything, and after hearing what they have to say, should reflect and judge for himself."˜
TEDDY ROOSEVELT (1858-1919)
Theodore Roosevelt Jr. was an American statesman, politician, conservationist, naturalist, and writer who served as the 26th president of the United States from 1901 to 1909. He served as the 25th vice president from March to September 1901 and as the 33rd governor of New York from 1899 to 1900. As a leader of the Republican Party, he became a driving force for the Progressive Era in the United States in the early 20th century. His face is depicted on Mount Rushmore alongside George Washington, Quotations from his book - Race, Riots, Reds and Crime, are below.
"Throughout history Liberty has always walked between the twin terrors of Tyranny and Anarchy. They have stalked like wolves beside her, with murder in their red eyes, ever ready to tear each other throats, but even more ready to rend in sunder Liberty herself. Always in the past there has been a monotonously recurrent cycle in the history of Free states; Liberty has supplanted Tyranny, has gradually been supplanted by Anarchy, and has then seen the insupportable Anarchy finally overthrown and Tyranny re-established. Anarchy is always and everywhere the handmaiden of Tyranny and Liberty's deadliest foe. No people can permanently remain free unless it possesses the stern self-control and resolution necessary to put down anarchy. Order without liberty and liberty without order are equally destructive; special privilege for the few and special privilege for the many are alike profoundly antisocial; the fact that unlimited individualism is ruinous, in no way alters the fact that absolute state ownership and regimentation spells ruin of a different kind. All of this ought to be trite to reasonably intelligent people - even if they are professional intellectuals - but in practice an endless insistence on these simple fundamental truths is endlessly necessary."
Most Western Americans who are past middle age remember young, rapidly growing, and turbulent communities in which there was at first complete anarchy. During the time when there was no central police power to which to appeal every man fit for existence in such a community, had to be prepared to defend himself; and usually, although not always, the fact that he was prepared saved him from all trouble, whereas unpreparedness was absolutely certain to invite disaster.
In such towns I have myself more than once seen well-meaning but foolish citizens endeavor to meet the exigencies of the case by simply passing resolutions of disarmament without any power back of them. That is, they passed self-denying ordinances, saying that nobody was to carry arms; but they failed to provide methods for carrying such ordinances into effect. In every case the result was the same. Good citizens for the moment abandoned their weapons. The bad men continue to carry them. Things grew worse instead of better; and then the good men came to their senses and clothed some representative of the police with power to employ force, potential or existing, against the wrong doers.
There should be at least ten times the number of rifles and the quantity of ammunition in the country that there are now. In our high schools and colleges a system of military training like that which one obtains in Switzerland and Australia should be given. Furthermore, all our young men should be trained in actual field service under war conditions; preferably on the Swiss model."
If people cannot rule themselves, then they are not fit for free government, and all talk about democracy is a sham.
And
this is aside from the fact that in actual life here in the United States
experience has shown that the effort to substitute for the genuine rule of the
people something else always means the rule of privilege in some form or other,
sometimes political privilege, sometimes financial privilege, often a mixture of
both. Whenever
there is tyranny by the majority I shall certainly fight it. By the tyrannies
from which we have been suffering in this country have, ninety-nine times out of
a hundred, been tyrannies by a minority that is tyranny by privilege."
The only tyrannies from which men, women, and children are suffering in real life are the tyrannies of minorities."
The truth is, that a
strong nation can only be saved by itself, and not by a strong man, though it
can be greatly aided and guided by a strong man. A weak nation may be doomed anyhow, or it may
find its sole refuge in a despot; a nation struggling out of darkness may be
able to take its first steps only by the help of a master hand, as was true of
Russia under Peter the Great; and if a nation, whether free or unfree, loses the
capacity for self-government, loses the spirit of sobriety and of orderly
liberty, then it has no cause to complain of tyranny, but a really great people,
a people really capable of freedom and of doing mighty deeds in the world, must
work out its own destiny, and must find men who will be its leaders - not its
masters."
SPENGLER
Oswald Spengler, German, (29 May 1880 – 8 May 1936) was a German historian and philosopher of history whose interests included mathematics, science, and art. He is best know for his book The Decline of the West, published in 1918 and 1922, covering all of world history. Within "The Decline of the West" (1918-1922), Spengler sets out simply to expound his views on the destinies - the rise and fall - of various peoples throughout history. He recognizes that each great people that has risen and fallen has done so in a distinctive way, but he sees a general similarity in the process, and he thinks that the final fall can never be evaded."
"There then succeeds - in the 19th century, in the case of the western world - the phase that is the main subject of the book. The population loses the feeling of "We". The cities are too large, international, and no longer representative of the people who created the culture. "International-urban" civilization has arrived, which Spengler regarded as destructive of culture. The cities are inhabited by the genuine "factual man", lacking in tradition, appearing in shapeless, fluctuating masses, irreligious, sharp, and unproductive, with a deep antipathy to the peasantry. The spiritual creative force has been lost, and religion begins to be repeated by ethical and practical substitutes that are, in his view inferior. In politics that whole tendency is away from the individual culture that made the people great, and towards internationalism, pacifism, and socialism. This, for Spengler, is the destiny of all cultures, the final decline.˜
H.G. WELLS
H.G. Wells' (the well-known fiction writer - Time Machine and more) 1200 page "The Outline of the History of the World" published in 1920 is an interesting work. It is a popular book, even today, and has been read by millions. A few quotations are stated below.
"The big cities before Rome were trading and manufacturing cities. Such were Corinth and Carthage and Syracuse. But Rome never produced a very considerable industrial population, and her warehouses never rivalled those of Alexandria. Rome was a political and financial capital, and in the latter respect, at least, she was a new sort of city. She imported profits and tribute, and very little went out from her in return. The wharves of Ostia were chiefly busy unloading loot — “from all the world.
In this curiously interesting century of Roman history we find man after man asking, "What has happened to Rome?" Various answers are made a decline in religion, a decline from the virtues of the Roman forefathers, Greek "intellectual poison," and the like. We, who can look at the problem with a large perspective, can see that what had happened to Rome was "money" - the new freedoms and chances and opportunities that money opened out. Money floated the Romans off the firm ground; everyone was getting hold of money, the majority of the simple expedient of running into debt.
Money was young in human experience and wild; nobody had it under control. It fluctuated greatly. It was now abundant and now scarce. Men made sly and crude schemes to corner it, to hoard it, to send up prices by releasing hoarded metals. A small body of very shrewd men was growing immensely rich. Many patricians were growing poor and irritated and unscrupulous. Among the middling sort of people there was much hope, much adventure, and much disappointment. The growing mass of the expropriated was permeated by that vague, baffled, and hopeless sense of being inexplicably bested, which is the preparatory condition for all great revolutionary movements.
During Rome's prosperity and synonymous decline several characteristics appeared. "Hope had gone." "People refuse to have children. They did so, we suggest, because their homes were not safe from oppression." A third indication that this outwardly flourishing period was one of deep unhappiness and mental distress for vast multitudes, is to be found in the spread of new religious movements throughout the population." In view of these obvious negligence’s, it is no wonder that the Romans disregard that more subtle thing, the soul of the empire, altogether, and made no effort to teach or train or win its common people into any conscious participation with its life. By the second and third centuries A.D. the overtaxed and overstrained imperial machine was already staggering towards its downfall.
When men and women are unlimited and unrestrained, the evidence of history shows clearly that they are all liable to become monsters of self-indulgence (the Roman Empire); when, on the other hand, they are driven and unhappy, then their impulse is towards immoderate tragically resorts, towards wild revolts or towards the austerities and intensities of religion.
These new world religions, from 600 B.C. Onward, were essentially religions of the heart and of the universal sky?
With Caesar, the civilization of Europe and Western Asia went back to monarchy, and, through monarchy, assisted presently by organized Christianity, it sought to achieve peace, righteousness, happiness, and world order for close upon eighteen centuries. Then almost suddenly it began reverting to republicanism, first in one country and then in another; and, assisted by the new powers of printing and the press and of organized general education, and by the universalist religious ideas in which the world had been soaked for generations, it seems now to have resumed again the effort to create a republican world-state and a world-wide scheme of economic righteousness which the Romans had made so prematurely and in which they had so utterly and disastrously failed.
Akbar, next to Asoka, was one of the greatest of Indian monarchs, and one of the few royal figures that approach the stature of great men. If India is now anything more than a sort of ragbag of incoherent states and races, a prey to every casual raider from the north, it is largely due to him." (Read this one again! Then again!) His (Akbar) distinctive quality was his openness of mind......he became more and more wedded to the principle of toleration for all.
So far most reasonable men are socialist." (referring to men of his day - his socialism is like Hitler's, not like modern America).
The idea of the world-State,˜ the universal kingdom of righteousness of which every living soul shall be a citizen, was already in the world two thousand years ago, never more to leave it.
But men do not begin to act upon theories. It is always some real danger, some practical necessity, that produces action; and it is only after action has destroyed old relationships and produced a new and perplexing state of affairs that theory comes to its own. Then it is that theory that is put to the test.
Communism is the proposal to abolish property altogether, or, in other words, to hold all things in common. Modern Socialism, on the other hand - or, to give it a more precise name, "Collectivism" - does clearly distinguish between personal property and collective property. The gist of the socialist proposal is that land and all the natural means of production, transit, and distribution should be collectively owned. Within these limits there is to be much free private ownership, and unrestricted personal freedom. Given efficient administration, it may be doubted whether many people nowadays would dispute that proposal. But socialism has never gone on to a thorough examination of that proviso for efficient administration.
An enormous amount of intellectual toil and discussion and education, and many years - whether decades of centuries, no man can tell - must intervene before a new order, planned as ships and railways are planned, runs, as the cables and the postal deliveries run, over the whole surface of our earth.
The delusion of national sovereignty, with its attendant fanaticisms for "God, King and Country" and the like is the most monstrous of all superstitions at present active in the world.
Certain conditions, we are now beginning to perceive, are absolutely necessary to such a creation. We may still think the attainment of these conditions a vastly laborious and difficult and uncertain understanding, but we understand that the attempt must be made because no other prospect before us gives even a promise of happiness or self-respect or preservation of our kind. The first condition is that there should be a common political idea in the minds of all men. Moreover, we know nowadays that even a universal education of this sort supplies only the basis for a healthy republican state. Next to education there must come abundant, prompt, and truthful information of what is going on in the state, and frank and free discussion of the issues of the time.
Sooner or later mankind must come to one universal peace, unless our race is to be destroyed by the increasing power of its own destructive inventions; and that universal peace must take the form of a government, that is to say, a law-sustaining organization, in the best sense of the word religious - a government ruling men through the educated co-ordination of their minds in a common conception of human history and human destiny.
And a world state and universal justice do not mean the imprisonment of our race in any bleak institution orderliness. There will still be mountains and the sea, there will be jungles and great forests, cared for, indeed, and treasured and protected; the great plains will still spread before us and the wild wind blow. But men will not hate so much, fear so much, nor cheat so desperately - and they will keep their minds and bodies cleaner.
The weaving of mankind into one community does not imply the creation of a homogeneous community, but rather the reverse; the welcome and the adequate utilization of distinctive quality in an atmosphere of understanding. It is the almost universal bad manners of the present age which make race intolerable to race. The community to which we may be moving will be more mixed - which does not necessarily mean more interbred - more various and more interesting community. Communities all to one pattern, like boxes of toy soldiers, are things of the past rather than the future."
MADISON GRANT
Madison Grant was Chairman of the New York Zoological Society; Trustee, American of Natural History; Councilor, American Geographic Society, and zoology professor at Harvard. Mr. Grant's book "The Passing of the Great Race" (1st Edition was 1916) (4th edition was 1936) is an interesting work on the history of the Caucasian race. A few quotations are below.
In the democratic forms of government the operation of universal suffrage tends toward the selection of the average man for public office rather that the man qualified by birth, education, and integrity. How this scheme of administration will ultimately work out remains to be seen but from a racial point of view, it will inevitably increase the preponderance of the lower types and cause a corresponding loss of efficiency in the community as a whole. While democracy is fatal to progress when two races of unequal value live side by side, an aristocracy may be equally injurious whenever, in order to purchase few generations of ease and luxury, slaves or immigrants are imported to do the heavy work. The refusal of the native American to work with his hands when he can hire or import serfs to do manual labor for him is the prelude to his extinction and the immigrant labors are now breeding out their masters and killing by filth and by crowding as effectively as by the sword.
Thus the American sold his birthright in a continent to solve a labor problem. Instead of retaining political control and making citizenship an honorable and valued privilege, he entrusted the government of his country and the maintenance of his ideals to races who have never yet succeeded in governing themselves, much less anyone else.
Associated with this advance of democracy and the transfer of power from the higher to the lower races, from the intellectual to the plebeian class, we find the spread of socialism and the recrudescence of obsolete religious forms. Although these phenomena appear to be contradictory, they are in reality closely related since both represent reactions from the intense individualism which a century ago was eminently characteristic of Americans.
Throughout history it is only the race of the leaders that has counted and the most vigorous have been in control and will remain in mastery in one form or another until such time as democracy and its illegitimate offspring, socialism, definitely establish the rule of the worst and put an end to progress. The salvation of humanity will then lie in the chance survival of some sane barbarians who may retain the basic truth that inequality and not equality is the law of nature."
LOTHROP STODDARD
.
Lothrop Stoddard within a portion of his "The
Rising Tide of Color" published in 1920, discusses the 3 year old Russian
Revolution.
"Communism" is, in fact, as anti-racial as it is anti-social. To the communist mind, with its furious hatred of constructive ability and its fanatical determination to enforce leveling, proletarian equality, the very existence of superior biological values is a crime. Communism has vowed the proletarianization of the world, beginning with the white peoples. To this end it not only foments social revolution within the white world itself, but it also seeks to enlist the colored races in its grand assault on civilization. Communist agitators whisper in the ears of discontented colored men their gospel of hatred and revenge. Every nationalist aspiration, every political grievance, every social discrimination, is fuel for Bolshevism's hellish incitement to racial as well as to class war. Bolshevism thus reveals itself as the arch-enemy of civilization and the race. Communism is the renegade, the traitor within the gates, who would betray the citadel, degrade the very fiber of our being, and ultimately hurl a re-barbarized, racially impoverished world into the most debased and hopeless of mongrelizations."
ADOLPH HITLER
The Parliament, et al "I hate the parliament, yet not at all as an institution in itself. On the contrary, as a liberal thinking man I could not imagine any other possible form of government, for my attitude towards the House of Habsburg being what it was, I would have considered any kind of dictatorship a crime against all liberty and reason.
In the course of a few years, my knowledge and realization created the type of the most dignified representation of modern times with plastic clarity: the parliamentarian. He began to make an impression on me in a form which never again underwent a fundamental change.
First and most of all that which gave me food for thought was the visible lack of responsibility on the part of any single individual. Parliament makes a decision the consequences of which may be ever so devastating-nobody is responsible for it, nobody can ever be called to account. For, does it mean assuming responsibility if after an unheard of collapse, the guilty government resigns? Or if the coalition changes, or even if parliament dissolves itself?
The reader of Jewish newspapers can hardly imagine the devastation which results from this institution of modern democratic parliamentary rule, unless he has learned to think and examine for himself. It is above all the cause of the terrible flooding of the entire political life with the most inferior products of our time. No matter how far the true leader withdraws from political activity, which to a great extent does not consist of creative work and achievement, but rather bargaining and haggling for the favor of a majority, this very activity, however will agree with and attract the people of low mentality.
This invention of democracy most closely conforms to a quality which lately has developed into a crying shame, that is, the cowardice of a great part of our so-called "leaders." How fortunate to be able to hide, whenever decisions of importance are involved, behind the coat-tails of a so-called majority!
One only has to watch such a political footpad to see how he anxiously begs for the consent of the majority for every action so that he may secure the necessary accomplices, so as to be able to cast off responsibility at any time. But this is one of the chief reasons why such political activity is loathsome and hateful to a really decent, and therefore courageous man, while it is attractive to all wretched characters- and he who is not willing personally to assume the responsibility for his acts, but looks for cover, is a cowardly wretch. As soon as the leaders of a nation consist of such wretched fellows, vengeance will follow soon after. One will no longer be able to manifest the courage for decisive action; one would undergo any humiliating dishonor rather than make up one's mind; because there is nobody who is ready to risk his person and his head for the carrying out of a ruthless decision.
It is not the object of our present-day democratic parliamentarianism to form an assembly of wise men, but rather to gather a crowd of mentally dependent ciphers which may be more easily led in certain directions, the more limited the intelligence of the individual. Only thus can parties make politics in the worse sense of the word today. Only thus is it also possible that the actual wirepuller is able to remain cautiously in the background without ever being personally called to account. Because no decision no matter how detrimental it is to the nation, can now be charged to the account of a rascal who is in the public eye, but it is dumped on the shoulders of an entire faction.
By far the greatest bulk of the political "education" which in this case one may rightly define with the word propaganda is the work of the press. It is the press above all else that carries out this work of "enlightenment," thus forming a sort of school for adults.˜ This instruction, however, does not rest in the hand of the State, but partly in the claws of very inferior forces. As a very young man in Vienna, I had the very best opportunity of becoming really acquainted with the owners and spiritual producers of this machine for educating the masses. At the beginning I was astonished how short a time it took this most evil of all the great powers in the State to create a certain opinion, even if this involved complete falsification of the wishes or opinions in the minds of the public. In the course of a few days a ridiculous trifle was turned into an affair of State, whereas, at the same time, problems of vital importance were dropped into general oblivion, or rather, were stolen from the minds and the memory of the masses.
Pluralism and Equality “A state of intimate fraternization is to arrive between Englishmen and Hottentots, between Chinese and Zulu Kafirs, Frenchmen and Japanese, Russians and Germans, etc. They are human beings and therefore all equal.
Although the colors are different, the quantity of brains and the physique do not correspond, the way of thinking and the achievements are not the same, yet the Jew asserts: they are equal, and therefore they are equal. A consequence of this equality is therefore the "international solidarity."
It is not by accident that primarily the Jew always tries, and knows how, to implant such deadly and dangerous thoughts in our people. He knows his customers only too well not to know that they gratefully fall victim to any Spanish treasure swindler who tries to make them believe that a means has now been found to play a trick on Nature, to make the hard and inexorable struggle for life superfluous, so that in its place, be it by work or sometimes also by merely doing nothing, just "as the case may be", one can rise to be master of the planets.
But while the people’s dream of this, the same Jew smashes the only natural and most intelligible solidarity which ought to exist, that is every nation in itself.
Marxism - “Democracy of the West today is the forerunner of Marxism, which would be inconceivable without it. It is democracy alone which furnishes this universal plague with the soil in which it spreads. In parliamentarianism, its outward form of expression, democracy created a monstrosity of filth˜ and fire in which, to my regret, the fire seems to have burned out for the moment.
Marxism, indeed, presents itself as the perfection of the Jew's attempt at excluding the overwhelming importance of the personality in all domains of human life and of replacing it by the number of the masses. Indeed, what must distinguish the folkish view of life from that of Marxism in principle, is that it not only recognizes the value of the race, but by this also the importance of the person and therefore makes the individual the pillar of the entire edifice. These are the supporting factors of its whole conception of life.
Marxism will march with democracy until, by roundabout means, it succeeds in winning for its criminal aims the support of the sane national spiritual world which it is determined to eradicate. But if today it came to the conviction that in the witch's cauldron of our parliamentary democracy a majority could suddenly be brewed which - be it only a majority that is entitled to legislate - would seriously attack Marxism, then the parliamentarian jugglery would at once be at an end. Then the flag-bearers of the red International would, instead of directing an appeal to democratic conscience, issue a flaming call to the proletarian masses, and at one blow the fight would be transplanted out of the stuffy atmosphere of the meeting halls of our parliaments into the factories and the streets. With this democracy would at once be done for; and where the spiritual agility of these folk apostles in the parliaments has failed, the crowbar and the sledgehammer of the incited masses of proletarians would succeed exactly as in the fall of 1918: with blows they would drive it home to the bourgeois world how mad it is to imagine that it could oppose the Jewish world conquest with the means of western democracy.
Dictatorship - One will indignantly resist an attempted dictatorship, even if it were Frederick the Great, and if the State artists of a parliamentary majority were only inefficient dwarfs or even inferior scoundrels, because to such a stickler for principles the law of democracy seems more sacred than the welfare of a nation. The one therefore, will protect the worst tyranny that ruins a people, as for the moment it represents the "State authority" while the other rejects even the most blessed government, as long as it does not represent his idea of democracy.
An oppressive feeling of dissatisfaction seized me; the more I recognized the internal hollowness of this State and the impossibility of saving it, the more I felt with certainty that in all and everything it only represented the misfortune of the German people. I was convinced that this State was bound to oppress and to handicap every really great German, as, on the other hand, it promoted everything non-German.
I detested the conglomerate of races that the realm's capital manifested; all this racial mixture ................ and among them all, the eternal fission-fungus of mankind - Jews and more Jews.
For then there will be only two possibilities in the no matter how distant future: either the world will be ruled according to the ideas of our modern democracy, and then the stress of every decision falls on the races which are stronger in numbers, or the world will be dominated according to the law of the natural order of energy, and then the people of brute strength will be victorious, and again, therefore, not the nations of self-restriction.
But one may well believe that this world will still be subject to the fiercest fights for the existence of mankind. In the end, only the urge for self-preservation will eternally succeed. Under its pressure so-called "humanity" as the expression of a mixture of stupidity, cowardice, and an imaginary superior intelligence, will melt like snow under the March sun. Mankind has grown strong in eternal struggles and it will only perish through eternal peace.
The State - However, how little the qualities forming and preserving a State are connected with economy is shown most clearly by the fact that the inner strength of a State coincides only in the very rarest cases with the so-called economic zenith, but that this usually announces in so many examples the already approaching decay of the State. If one had to ascribe the formation of human communities first of all to economic forces or impulses, then the highest economic development should at the same time indicate the greatest strength of the State and vice versa.
The belief in the force of economy to form or preserve States seems especially unintelligible when it is predominant in a country which in each and every thing shows clearly and impressively the historical reverse. Particularly in Prussia it is shown with wonderful acuteness that not material qualities but idealistic virtues alone make possible the formation of a State. Only under their protection is economy able to flourish, but with the collapse of the purely State-forming abilities, economy also breaks down again; an event that we are able to observe just now in so terrible a saddening manner. Man's material interest are able to thrive best as long as they remain in the shadow of heroic virtues; but as soon as they try to enter the first circle of existence, they destroy the conditions of their own existence.
Whenever in Germany
an upswing of political power took place, economy also began to rise; but
thereafter, whenever economy was made the sole content of our people's life,
thus suffocating the ideal virtues, the State collapsed again, and after a
certain time it pulled economy down with it into the grave.
But if one asks oneself the question what the forces forming or otherwise preserving a State are in reality, it can be summed up with one single characterization: the individual's ability and willingness to sacrifice himself for the community. But that these virtues have really nothing whatsoever to do with economics is shown by the simple realization that man never sacrifices himself for them; that means: one does not die for business, but for ideals.˜
From the moment a man fights for an economic interest he tries to avoid death, as this would rob him forever of the enjoyment of the reward of his fighting. The anxiety for the rescue of her own child turns even the weakest mother into a heroine, and only the fight for the preservation of the species and the hearth or the State that protected them, drove men at all times towards the spears of the enemy.
Never was a State founded by peaceful economy, but always by the instincts of preserving the species, no matter whether they are found in the field of heroic virtues or sly cunning; the one then in Aryan States of work and culture, the other in Jewish colonies of parasites. But as soon as in a people or in a State, economy as such begins to choke these instincts, economy itself becomes the enticing cause for subjection and suppression.
Old Austria more than any other State, depended on the greatness of its leaders. Here the foundation of the national State was missing which always possesses a power of preservation in its national basis, no matter how weak the leaders may be. The uniformly national State, thanks to the inherent indolence of its inhabitants and the powers of resistance connected with it, can sometimes sustain itself for astoundingly long periods of incompetent administration or government, without thereby destroying its internal existence. Often it seems as though it were dead and done for, till suddenly the supposedly dead rises again and gives the rest of mankind astonishing proofs of its imperishable force of life.
It is different, however, with a realm which is not composed of similar nationalities and which is not kept together by common blood but by a common fist. Here every weakness of the leadership will not cause the State to hibernate, but it will cause an awakening of all individual instincts which are present by virtue of blood and race, but which have no chance of developing in times of predominating will power. Only centuries of common education, common tradition, common interest, etc., can mitigate this danger. Therefore such State formations, the younger they are the more will they depend on the competence of the leadership; even if they are the works of men of overwhelming force and of spiritual heroes, they will fall to pieces after the death of their one great founder. But even after centuries these dangers cannot be regarded as overcome; they merely slumber, and often awake quite suddenly as soon as the weakness of the common leadership, the force of education, and the sublimity of all traditions no longer able to overcome the sweep of the individual vital instinct of the various tribes.
The Fall of the Reich - “If Berlin were to
meet the fate of Rome, then the coming generations could one day admire the
department stores of some Jews, and the hotels of some corporations the most
imposing works of our time, as the characteristics expression of the culture of
our days.
This also is a
sign of our declining culture and of our general collapse. The time is
suffocated in petty expediency, in other words, in the service of money. Thus one must not
be surprised if under such deity little understanding for heroism remains. The present only
harvests that which the immediate past has sown.
"The deepest and the ultimate cause for the ruin of the old Reich was found in the non-recognition of the race problem and its importance for the historical development of the people. For events in the lives of the nations are not expressions of chance, but, by the laws of nature, happenings of the urge of self-preservation and propagation of species and race, even if the people are not conscious of the inner reasons for their activity."
“Everything that
today we admire on this earth - science and art, technique and invention - is
only the creative product of a few peoples and perhaps originally of one
race. On them
now depends also the existence of this entire culture. If they persist,
then the beauty of this earth sinks into the grave with them.
He who wants to live should fight, therefore, and he who does not want to battle in this world of eternal struggle does not deserve to be alive. Even if this were hard, this is the way things are. But it is certain that by far the hardest fate is the fate which meets that man who believes he can "conquer" Nature, and yet, in truth, only seems to mock her. Misery, distress, and diseases are then her answer!
The man who misjudges and disdains the laws of race actually forfeits the happiness that seems destined to be his. He prevents the victorious march of the best race and with it also the presumption for all human progress, and in consequence he will remain in the domain of the animal's helpless misery, burdened with the sensibility of man.
The blood mixing,
however, with the lowering of the racial level caused by it, is the sole cause
of the dying-off of old cultures; for the people do not perish by lost wars, but
by the loss of that force of resistance which is contained only in the pure
blood.
All that is
not race in this world is trash.˜ Peoples which bastardize themselves, or permit
themselves to be bastardized, sin against the will of eternal Providence, and
their ruin by the hand of a stronger nation is consequently not an injustice
that is done to them but only the restoration of right. If a people no
longer wants to respect the qualities which Nature has given it and which root
in its blood, then it has no longer the right to complain about the loss of its
worldly existence.
Alone the
loss of the purity of the blood destroys the inner happiness forever; it
eternally lowers man, and never again can its consequences be removed from body
and mind.
As long as the
people do not recognize and pay attention to the importance of their racial
foundation, they resemble people who would like to teach the greyhound's
qualities to poodles, without realizing that the greyhound's speed and the
poodle's docility are qualities which are not taught, but are peculiar to the
race. Peoples
who renounce the preservation of their racial purity renounce also the unity of
their soul in all its expressions.˜
The race question not only furnishes the key to world history, but also to human culture as a whole.
FRANCIS PARKER YOCKEY
Frances Parker Yockey was born in Chicago, and constantly astounded his parents with quick intelligence. He graduated Notre Dame in 1941. After a short stent in the Army, he served as Assistant Prosecuting Attorney for Wayne County (Detroit), Michigan. In 1946 he quit his job to take a position with the War Crimes Tribunal, set up by American liberals and Russian communities to punish Nazis. He resigned in 1948, working without note, wrote the 600 page Imperium, at Brittas Bay, Ireland. He managed to have 200 sets of the original two-volume work printed in London. The State Department refused to renew his passport, but this did not stop his international journeying, meeting people of like mind. He was apprehended in Oakland, California, June 6, 1960, 6 fake passports in his possession, jailed in San Francisco, held on $50,000 bail. Eleven days later he was found dead in his cell. His crime was writing and distribution of the book Imperium – a treatise on the direction the West would be required to take. It is a seminal work, 100 years before its time, one of my favorites.
Marxism - Marxism is an ideal. It does not take account of living ideas, but regards the world as a thing that can be planned on paper and then set up in actuality. Marx understood neither Socialism nor Capitalism as ethical world-outlooks. His understanding of both was purely economic, and thus a misunderstanding."
Fourier, Cabet, Saint-Simon, Comte, Proudhon, Owen, all designed Utopias like Marxism, but they neglected to make them "inevitable," and they forgot to make Hate the center of the system. They used Reason, but Marxism is one more proof that Hate is more effective.
For this practical reason, Hate finds its way into a picture of History and Life, and for this reason, the "bourgeois" - simply mechanical parts of a mechanical evolution, according to Marx are endowed with malice and evil. Hatred is useful in fomenting a war which does not seem to be occurring of itself, and to the end of increasing hatred.
Communism was purely destructive in effect, and this was why the Asiatic power on Europe's boundary adopted it as a program to disintegrate all European States. Communism, like all Utopias, is impossible of realization, because they are irrational and Life is irrational. The sole novelty about the Utopia of Communism is that it proclaims itself as inevitable. This was a tribute to its will-to-power. "Effective mass propaganda cannot be too simple, and in the application of this rule, Marx should have received some sort of prize: all History is class-war; all Life is class-war; they have the wealth, let us take it.
Liberalism - Liberalism rejects the State as an organism, and can only see it as the result of a contract between individuals. "Happiness" of "the individual" becomes the purpose of Life. Bentham made this as coarse as it could be made in collectivizing it into "the greatest happiness of the greatest number." If herding animals could talk, they would use this slogan against the wolves.
Within that framework, however, "the individual" must be "free." This is the great cry of Liberalism, "freedom." Man is only himself, and is not tied to anything except by choice. Thus "society" is the "free “association of men and groups. The Church is spiritual un-freedom.
All things in the political domain were transvalued by Liberalism. War was transformed into either competition, seen from the economic pole, or ideological difference, seen from the ethical pole. Instead of the mystical rhythmical alternation of war and peace, it sees only the perpetual concurrence of competition or ideological contrast, which in no case becomes hostile or bloody. The State becomes society or humanity on the ethical side, a production and trade system on the economic side. The will to accomplish a political aim is transformed into the making of a program of "social ideals" on the ethical side, of calculation on the economic side. Power becomes propaganda, ethically speaking, and regulation, economically speaking.
War being violent and brutal, was unreasonable, and is replaced by Trade, which is intelligent and civilized. War is condemned for every standpoint; economically it is a loss even to the victor. The new war technics - artillery - made personal heroism senseless, and thus the charm and glory of war departed with its economic usefulness. In earlier times, war-peoples had subjugated trading-peoples, but no longer. Now trading-peoples step out as the masters of the earth.
Liberalism can only be defined negatively. It is a mere critique, not a living idea. Its great word "freedom" is a negative - it means in fact, freedom from authority, i.e., disintegration of the organism. In its last stages it produces social atomism, in which not only the authority of the State is combated, but even the authority of society and the family. Divorce takes equal rank with marriage, children with parents. This constant thinking in negatives caused political activists like Marx, Lorenz Stein and Ferdinand Lasalle to despair of it as a political vehicle. Its attitudes were always contradictory, it sought always a compromise. It sought always to "balance" democracy against monarchy, managers against hand-workers, State against Society, legislative against judicial. In a crisis, Liberalism as such was not to be found. Liberals found their way on to one or the other side of a revolutionary struggle, depending on the constancy of their Liberalism and its degree of hostility.
The corpse of Liberalism was not even interred by the middle of the 20th century. Consequently it is necessary to diagnose even now the serious illness of the Western Civilization as Liberalism complicated with alien-poisoning.
Because Liberalism views most men as harmonious, or good, it follows that they should be allowed to do as they like. Since there is no higher unit to which all are tied, and whose super-personal life dominates the lives of the individuals, each field of human activity serves only itself - as long as it does not wish to become authoritative, and stays within the framework of "society." Thus Art becomes "Art for Art's sake." All areas of thought and action become equally autonomous. Religion becomes mere social discipline, since to be more is to assume authority. Science, philosophy, education, all are equally worlds unto themselves. None are subjects to anything higher. Literature and technics are entitled to the same autonomy. The function of the State is merely to protect them by patents and copyrights. But above all - economics and law are independent of organic authority, i.e. of politics.
To the fantastic mental illness of Rationalism, hard facts are regrettable things, and to talk about them is to create them. A tiny politician of the Liberal type even sought to prevent talk about the Third World War, after the Second. Liberalism is, in one word, weakness. It wants every day to be a birthday. Life to be a long party. The inexorable movement of Time, Destiny, History, the cruelty of accomplishment, sternness, heroism, sacrifice, super-personal ideas these are the enemy. Liberalism is an escape from hardness into softness, form masculinity into femininity, from History to herd-grazing, from reality into herbivorous dreams, from Destiny into Happiness.˜ Nietzsche, in his last greatest work, designated the 18th century as the century of feminism, and immediately mentioned Rousseau, the leader of the mass-escape from Reality. Feminism itself - what is it but a means of feminizing man? If it makes women man-like, it does so only by transforming man first into a creature whose only concern is with his personal economics and his relation to "society," i.e. woman.
"And yet what does Liberalism do ultimately to woman; it puts a uniform on her and calls her a "soldier." This ridiculous performance but illustrates the eternal fact that History is masculine, that its stern demands cannot be evaded, that the fundamental realities cannot be renounced, even, by the most elaborate make-believe. Liberalistic tampering with sexual polarity only wreaks havoc on the souls of individuals, confusing and distorting them, but the man-woman and the woman-man it creates are both subject to the higher Destiny of History.
Economic Man/Capitalism - Capitalism is not an economic system, but a world-outlook, or rather, a part of a whole world-outlook. It is a way of thinking and feeling, and not a mere technique of economic planning which anyone can understand. It is primarily ethical and social and only secondarily economic. The economics of a nation is a reflection of the national soul, just as the way a man makes a living is a subordinate expression of his personality.
Twenty-first century readers will find it difficult to believe that once the idea prevailed that each person should be free to do as he pleased in economic matters, even if his personal activity involved the starvation of hundreds of thousands, the devastation of entire forest and mineral areas, and the stunting of the power of the organism; that it was quite permissible for such an individual to raise himself above the weakened public authority, and to dominate, by private means, the inmost thoughts of whole populations by his control of press, radio and mechanized drama.
Countless other monarchs and absolute rulers have had to flee because of their symbolic responsibility. But the financier has only power, no responsibility, not even symbolic, for, as often as not, his name is not generally known. History, Destiny, organic continuity, Fame, all every their powerful influence on an absolute political ruler, and in addition his position places him entirely outside the sphere of base corruptibility. The financier, however, is private, anonymous, purely economic, and irresponsible. In nothing can he be altruistic; hi very existence is the apotheosis of egoism. He does not think of History, of Fame, of the furtherance of the life of the organism, of Destiny, and furthermore he is eminently corruptive by base means, as his ruling desire is for money and ever more money.
In his contest against Authority the finance-Liberal evolved a theory that power corrupts men. It is, however, vast anonymous wealth which corrupts, since there are no super personal restraints on it, such as bring the true statesman completely into the service of the political organism, and place him above corruption.
Allowing the initiative in economic and technical matters to rest with individuals, subject to little political control, resulted in the creation of a group of individuals whose personal wills were more important than the collective destiny of the organism and the millions of the population. The law which serves this state of affairs was completely divorced from morality and honor. The criminal law reflected finance-Liberalism by punishing crimes of violence and passion, but not classifying such things as destroying national resources, throwing millions into want, or usury on a national scale.
There even evolved an abstraction named "economic man," whose actions could be predicted as though economics were a vacuum. Economic gain was his sole motive, greed alone spurred him on. The technic of success was to concentrate on one's own gain and ignore everything else. This "economic man" was however man in general to the Liberals. He was the unit of their world-picture. "Humanity" was the sum total of these economic grains of sand. With its doctrine against war, politics, and violence, it presided over the greatest wars and revolutions in 5000 years, and it ushered in the Age of Absolute Politics.
With its gospel of the Brotherhood of Man, it carried on the largest-scale starvation, humiliation, torture and extermination in history against populations within the Western Civilization after the first two World Wars. By outlawing political thinking, and turning war into a moral-struggle instead of a power-struggle it flung the chivalry and honor of a millennium into the dust.
Democracy - Historically speaking, Democracy is a feeling, and has nothing whatever to do with "equality," "representative government" or anything of the sort.
Democracy had two poles, ability and mass. It put everyone into politics, and allowed the successful ones an amount of power tenfold that of any absolute monarch. But Napoleon himself could not stand against the forces which Money mobilized against him in the Economic Age, and the lesser democratic dictators were more easily overwhelmed.
But in most countries only the vocabulary of democracy was retained, and this enabled the economic powers to conduct themselves in a more or less absolute fashion, for they had struck down the State with Democracy, and then bought Democracy. In later democratic conditions - in our case from 1850 - it was solely the financier interest that was served by the constitutionalized anarchy called democracy. The word democracy thus passes into the possession of Money, and it was transformed from its historical meaning into its 20th century meaning. The Culture-distorters use it as meaning the denial of qualitative differences among nations and races; thus the foreigner must be admitted to the positions of wealth and authority. To the financier, it means the "rule of law" his law, which makes possible his unprecedented usury of means of his monopoly of money.
But Democracy
perishes. The
idea of basing political power on the masses of the population was a technic at
best. Either
it proceeded to authoritarian rule like that of Napoleon or Mussolini, or else
it was a mere cover for unhampered looting by the financier. Authoritarian rule
is the end of democracy.
The weaker Tradition was, the greater was the success of the mass-spirit. Thus in America, its victory was complete, and the principle of mass was applied even to the field of education. America with less than half the population of the home soil of Western Culture had in the 20th century ten times as many institutions of higher learning, so-called. For, in everything, Democracy must fail, even in success. The practice of giving everyone a diploma meant quite simply that the diploma became meaningless.
The ultimate in this direction was reached by an American writer who branded higher chemistry, physics, technics and mathematics as undemocratic," because they were the possession of a few, and were thus tending to create some sort of aristocracy.
And thus, with the coming of the 20th century, "democracy" has a different meaning from its original one. Its original two poles of ability and Mass have become merged for the purposes of the powers of Economics, who own the word "democracy" in this century. They place upon it solely the meaning of mass, and use it to combat the new resurgent Authority-Idea. The economic lords of the earth mobilized the masses against the authority of the State, and miscalled it "democracy." The Age of Absolute Politics begins by mobilizing the masses against the power of Money and Economics, and will end Napoleon-wise in the restoration of Authority. But there will at last be no more plebiscites, no more elections, no more propaganda, and no more mass audience attending the political drama. The two centuries of Democracy end on Empire. With the natural death of the idea of mass counting for something, Authority makes no intellectual appeal whatever to justify itself. It is simply there, and it is not a problem.
Democratic ideologists, with their heads buried in the sand, say that maybe a bad monarch will appear. But the imperative of History is not to produce a perfect system, but to fulfill the historical mission. It was this that produced Democracy and it is this that now pays no attention to the whining of the Past, but only to the rumble of the Future. Good or bad, the monarchs are coming.
On the front of the tottering edifice is printed in gaudy letters Democracy. But behind it is seen to be a cash-till, and the banker sits, running his hands through the money that was the blood of the Western nations. He looks up in terror, as the sound of marching feet is heard.
Organic Idea - In Cultural wars however, the soul of the Culture is at work, lending its invisible, but invincible strength to those in its service, and a struggle can be maintained for years against fearful odds. A few defeats, and all would have been up with Genghis Khan. Not so with Friedrich der Grosse, or George Washington, for they felt themselves to be the vehicle of an Idea, of the Future.
Thus we have seen again the existential nature of organic alternatives; a unit can either fight a real enemy, or it must lose. And again, a unit not fighting a real enemy is in the service of another power - there is no middle ground. If a unit is not fighting for itself, it is fighting against itself. The broadest formulation of this fundament is; an organism must be true to its own inner law of existence, or it will sicken and die. It is the inner law of a political organism that it must increase its own power; this is the only way it can behave toward power. If it tries to confer power on another organism, it injures itself. If it tries merely to prevent another organism from attaining power, it injures itself; if it gives up its complete existence to blocking another organism, quite regardless of its success in this negative aim, it will destroy itself.
Battle Lines are Drawn - In America, the "Pluralistic State" came to an end in 1933, when a group arose which seized for itself a totality of power. There is absolutely no necessity for a politician to deal in lies exclusively, as the Liberal school, the class-warriors, and the distorters believe. Men who are fighting against the Future perhaps have good reason to practice deception constantly, to throw clouds of theories over their actions, to say peace when they mean war, and war when they mean peace, and to keep elaborate classifications of "secret”, “confidential," and the like.
And similarly with lies; quite obviously the statesman who is the embodiment of the Spirit of the Age has no need of fundamental lies. He cannot fear the truth, since his actions are those of organic necessity, against which no force within the organism can prevail. Equally obviously he who sets out to strangle the Future, like Metternich and Furstenbund, or the Liberals, democrats, party-leaders of whatever nature, culture-distorters, and intellectuals of the period, have daily, pressing need of lies, ever bigger and better lies.
Politics and economics are two different directions of human thinking and are hostile to one another. For this reason no true politician and no true soldier would ever with full consciousness carry on a war for an exclusively economic motive, no matter what grand opportunities it offered for personal distinction. Economically motivated wars like the American War of Secession, 1861-65, the English Opium War, and the Boer War were of necessity presented to the participants under an untruthful propaganda.
Economics lacks the strength in itself - i.e. "Pure" economics – to rouse men to the level of action where they will risk their lives. This is because economics presupposes life, and merely seeks ways of securing, nourishing, perpetuating the life. It simply does not make sense to buy life with death - when death becomes a possibility, we are no longer in the sphere of economics.
If economics wants a certain war, it can only
bring it about by political means, and then also - we are no longer in the
sphere of economics.
In a country where the cant of morality exercises a monopoly over
political vocabulary, politicians cannot speak openly even to one another. The propaganda
terror necessary to maintain such an absurd type of political terminology in
contradiction to facts ends by weakening far within governments in such
countries.
Anyone making a purely factual remark becomes suspect, and some of the
best brains have found their way thus into the concentration camps.
The two ideas of Democracy and Authority stand opposed, and only one of them belongs to the Future. Only Authority represents a step forward, and thus the strongest, most vital, creative elements in the Culture-bearing stratum are found in the service of the resurgence of Authority.
Having leveled all the political and social powers, Rationalism can now look upon the monster of its own creation, the absolute power of Money. This new power is unformulated, anonymous, and irresponsible. The most powerful money-magnates are not well known to the masses, nor do they wish to be. Fame, responsibility, and sanctions go together. The Master of Money desires no limelight, no risk of Life, but only money and ever more money. Party politics exist only to protect him and his operations. The courts are there to enforce his usury. Armies march when his trade system is challenged. He is above nations, and his banking operations transcend national laws. It is during his tenure of power over the Western Civilization that the phrase "power behind the throne" acquires its sinister and private meaning. His action is without risk. To him a hero is a fool, a patriot, an idiot. They may bleed, but he will profit. If his system is threatened, he mobilizes the masses of continents, supplementing nationalistic slogans with universal conscription which is more effective than the slogans."
The real front of the wars of this age is simply Europe versus anti-Europe. There are border areas, like those between Russia and Europe, like the northern countries of South America. Each side has its allies: the white populations strewn over the world belong to Europe; the Asiatic distorting elements of cohesion and power in the various Western countries belong to non-Europe. It is the struggle of a positive against a negative, of creation against destruction, of Cultural superiority against the envy of the outsider. —It is the unrelenting battle against the master of yesterday by his liberated slaves, burning with vengeance for their centuries of slavery.
These wars of course will be true unlimited wars, like the Crusades, ˜ and not agonal like intra-European wars of the 17th and 18th centuries. They will be correspondingly absolute in their means and in their duration. The crisis of Rationalism subsides. Its attendant phenomena grow colorless, more forced, and one by one they fade away: Equality, Democracy, Happiness, Instability, Commercialism, High Finance and its power of Money, Class War, Trade as an end in itself, Social Atomism, Parliamentarism, Liberalism, Communism, Materialism, Mass-Propaganda. All these proud banners trail finally in the dust. They are nothing but the symbols of Reason's daring and bold, but hopeless, attempt to conquer the kingdom of the Soul.˜
ROBERT ARDREY
From his "African Genesis" (1961) and Territorial Imperium (1965)......."Nature, by instilling in the individual a demand for exclusive living space, insures two consequences: First, that a minimum number of individuals in any population will be enabled to breed in relative security and pass on in fair certainty the conformation of their kind. And second, that the surplus will be cast to the wolves, to the owls, to the foxes, to the plagues, and famines and lonely, unfamiliar places, there to make the most of perilous conditions or to die."
One may conclude that in the eternal workings of natural selection an instinct for order has been found superior to an impulse for disorder. If nature abhors a vacuum, it likewise abhors anarchy."
No tribe could hold
together if murder, robbery or treachery were common. A tribe superior in
patriotism, fidelity, obedience, courage, sympathy, mutual aid, and readiness to
sacrifice for the common good will be naturally selected over that tribe poorer
in these qualities."
A free society inspired by the noblest of human motives, finding its citizens inspired by little but material success, will conclude that the satisfaction of economic wants is the sacred way to the ultimate temple.
Conscience is a two-sided coin, and one side is black. Territory commands unremitting hostility for territorial neighbors. The primate amity-enmity complex cannot exist without enemies. Conscience organizes hatred as it organizes love. And with the coming of the predatory way the force of conscience has taken on an awful power lacking in the societies of non-aggressive primates. Conscience may direct the Christian martyr to die for the brotherhood of man. But that same conscience directs Christian armies to go forth and slaughter the same fellow man.
I shall defend the white race against the black, stand for the Christian world against what I deem to be the godless, and oppose any adventures on the part of Rome which seem to threaten my Protestant preserve. And few other than my social partners will understand that in every instance I am acting according to my conscience.
My conscience is
provincial in nature, in that its origins are territorial. I shall invariably
delude myself, however, that it is universal and thus brings to my actions the
authority of universal law. It does nothing, of course, of the sort. It commands me
simply to act in the interest of my society or societies.
My conscience is totally amoral. I shall delude myself that it directs me to act in the interests of human good, and well it may. But with equal force it will direct me to act in the interests of human evil, if such evil is in the interests of my society.
My conscience, I may tell myself, is my own. It is anything but my own. Nothing I seem to possess is so little my own. It is the exclusive property of those territorial or social institutions of which I am a part.
The
conscience of social man differs from that of the social animal in a way other
than its complexity.
Self-awareness presses us to identify our conscience with the highest
power available.
I do not tell myself that my conscience is the voice of America; I assume
it to be the voice of God.
He sits with head bent, silent, waiting, listening to the commotion in the streets. He is the keeper of the kinds. Who is he? We do not know. He cares only for order. But whatever he says, we shall do. He is rising now, in civilization's quiet back room, and he is looking out the window.
ELMER PENDELL
Dr. Pendell's "Why Civilizations Self-Destruct" is quoted.......Territoriality is an inherited mental characteristic of many species, including man. In some instances the proprietorship has been individual, in some instances tribal. Either way, territoriality and aggression are inherited psychological limitations on social impulses. Reason may stretch the social inclination beyond the tribal boundaries, but with every expansion there are additional strains, additional captive groups, and additional irritations. A knowledge of man's heredity assures us that worldwide political sovereignty would almost certainly lead to worldwide chaos."
REVILO P. OLIVER
Dr.
Oliver was one of the founders of The John Birch Society before its
takeover. He
was also a Professor of the Classics at the University of Illinois for 35
years. His
"America's Decline: The Education of a Conservative" is quoted below.
But the members of the Communist Conspiracy are never more than a tiny fraction of the populations they subjugate; they are a small gang that could in any country be handled by the local police force in a merely routine operation. The terrible power of the unhumans is entirely obtained by their ability to deceive and manipulate human beings.
If God in His Mercy were to remove from our globe tonight every member of the International Communist Conspiracy, we would rejoice wildly in our liberation. But within a century perhaps in half a century – we should find ourselves in our present plight once again, unless we developed powers of resistance to infection that we obviously have no yet developed.
RICHARD SWARTZBAUGH
Richard Swartzbugh's (an anthropology professor) book, "The Mediator",
written in 1973, is a short but concise and scholarly account of how America is
"managed" by a group he refers to as the mediators. By logical analysis and
explanation, Mr. Swartzbaugh also predicts America's future. Many quotations are
memorable and a few are listed below.
"Inhabited as it is by disparate ethnic groups and individuals, America has bridged the distance between its citizens with theories and theoretical social structures. The confusion and unhappiness have come as people depending on the system have tried to justify it as the permanent order of things.
The mediated society is an "integrated" society. Integration demands the elimination of personal and instinctual ties of men and women of the same limited regional and racial groups. These organic and historical bonds of empathy and trust are suppressed in favor of formal contractual ties.
For the instinctually cohesive family, clan and tribe, which are the containers of history and culture, is substituted an "integrated" but organically dissolved sociological subsystem. While public suspicion has been commonly directed toward grandiose, fantastic strategies for the integration of whole races, the more subtle ideas implicit in the most innocuous-appearing sociology courses called "the family" have been overlooked. The ultimate goal of social engineering in family "integration" is the mediation of relationships within the most elemental human groupings. Family members united through integration are divided personally. The organically cohesive family is broken down and replaced by the sociological abstraction of a "primary group." Once the abstract social principle has penetrated the family, the last instinctual bond is dissolved. Mediation is the last resort.
The conclusion is unavoidable that mediation must absorb and drain away the life energy which would otherwise be devoted to existence as such, that is, to a complete emotional and esthetic involvement with a world in which one feels he belongs. Structures which are not cultures may be integrative and lump vast masses of people in giant systems.
But what is the source of these "purposes" and "tasks" for which men come together?........history, tradition, race. Where these historical and cultural goals are absent, where peoples and individuals are so diverse that they cannot have important tasks in common, they cannot effectively cooperate. Yet the state exists not for citizens, not even for the impoverished citizens. It exists rather for the mediator!
The intellectual has evolved from the priest of the more primitive societies." "But if human relations were derived from fixed and genetically transmitted instincts, and if, despite wide extension through symbols, relations always had to finally come back to instincts, men would ultimately give priority to organic and "pre-logical" groupings. Instincts therefore challenge the priest's and intellectual bid for universal authority.
The best mediator is the one who is an outsider with respect to "closed" and "instinctual" society. Lacking instinctual social relations he must orient himself according to abstractions.
Cosmopolitanism of the meditative establishment is the depletion and exhaustion of culture rather than its fulfillment.
If world government is finally to be accomplished the groundwork can perhaps best be prepared by a world money empire. Warner has correctly seen the impact of money, which, like the symbols of world religion, is universal. Universal money lays the fundamental structure for the world political order. Commercial materialism and its world marker underlie a "culture of mankind." Warner saw that the tribal tie which resists such absolute systemization may be demoralized by finance.
The thesis of the Marxists is this: the world society, an abstraction, is a definite possibility because communication through the medium of money which today connects all men in a world market, is a true social relationship. That men in a trading agreement exemplify the most general human relationship, which is though contractual in essence, is the "materialist" conception of society.
The distinction between capitalism (Swartzbaugh is not relating to free enterprise, but the highly controlled finance capitalism of big business and Wall Street) and socialism is an academic and artificial one, although this distinction is a matter of heated controversy for hypertrophied and abstract economic systems.
When Marx spoke of the capitalist he was thinking of the international speculator. When speaking of the proletariat he meant the acephalous street mobs such as those presently roaming at will through the streets of the great American cities. In America, Marxist dialectic would be represented by the expanding colored minorities and the similarly expanding commercialists. These sociological groups would form a system of oppressor and oppressed. But these categories also support one another in an equilibrium stabilized by the mediator. In America, Marxism aims not to supplant the money class with a working class, but to substitute a Hegelian-Marxist (multicultural, pluralistic "contractual" society) dialectic for the organic (homogenous and instinctual) dialectic.
The mediator is the person who in being between groups cannot be of them. People are somewhat ill at ease in his presence and would normally avoid intimate contact. As the priest's status as inverted man isolates him on a personal level, under certain conditions the entire value system of society is turned upside down. Such Tran valuation usually occurs when discrete groups whose cultures had evolved in antagonism to one suddenly desire cooperation and accord. In this case the values of courage, self-sacrifice and patriotism suddenly become irrelevant. The arbiter, however, does not content himself with forgetting these values, he must turn them around!
The Jewish rabbi is someone quite different, and indeed has an opposite relationship with his community, his purpose is to promote Jewish solidarity. He ritually defines his people and sets them off rigidly from others. Far from proselytizing, the rabbi instills a keen awareness of Jewishness which he reinforces with a stern moral code of cleanliness, sexual chastity, and loyalty among Jews, or any precept that promotes inbreeding and group separateness.
It is precisely the lay Jew who is a "priest" in relation to his host nations. Having been deported and uprooted for ages from one territory to another, and deprived of territorial affiliation, the Jew has learned to identify with his symbolic and transcendental nationhood." "Jewry is a meditative strategy. The Jews, moreover, are monotheistic precisely to the degree that they are spatially dispersed. Their Covenant or Contract with God is essentially a contract with one another - a general formalistic agreement which moreover is readily adapted to particular business relations. Unity of religion – absolute monotheism on an ideal plane - compensates for religion and racial disunity. They are a special kind of nationality or, really a condition, a "people" oriented by an idea rather than by a concrete familiarity with a place and a sensitivity to race in the narrow biological sense.
The Jew exists in the "pores and interstices of society," as Marx said. But it is precisely this outcast status which renders him of values a mediator. When communication and material exchange between nations contains friction, the Jew prospers. When the communication ceases, the Jew is ignored or shunned.
The mediating role is the essence of so-called Jewish liberalism, just as it is his support of mediating structures. He believes in the principle of formal law and the courts just as he believes in the Law upon which Judaism is based. But in order to make peace among factions he must to some extent open them to one another. Mediation explains the Jewish interest not only in trade but also in the communication media, houses, universities, government social agencies and the courts, to which they are irresistibly drawn by virtue of their deeply ingrained sense of caste mission. The Jews belong to humanity. Insofar as America is a particularly hectic cross-section of humanity, they are especially involved here. That Americans have for some time not been able to get along together on a personal and instinctual level has meant that American civilization has become mediation and, in this sense “Jewish civilization.
America, a civilization of mediation, now poses the alarming possibility that a blue collar-white collar, urban-rural and North-South populist coalition will close in front of Jewry and mediation in general, excluding it as a social force. The relationship between whites and nonwhite minorities, which has always been artificial, is increasingly insecure. The nonwhite minorities have been accommodated in a philosophy and social system vaguely designed by the white minorities for the purpose of harmonious relations with one another.
The fact the Jew is oriented in his social life by an ideal rather than by instincts has profound consequences for his economic behavior. His superiority in the latter realm is a result not so much of a higher intelligence as it is of his freedom from instincts, which allows him to specialize absolutely in an abstract niche. The strength of the Jew is abstract analysis. His weakness is lack of intuition.
The abstract institutions of democracy were merely the scaffolding. They were never intended to be the building itself.
If race is the basis of any enduring nationhood, it is therefore impossible that the theories of the Enlightenment are the true destiny of America. Nor is materialism the destiny.
Economic decline or recession is therefore more dangerous in American than in other more instinctually secure and culturally stable lands, Lacking natural compassion, men are kept from attacking one another only by virtue of the necessity of material cooperation. The initial breakdown in a recession would be along racial lines, but the deterioration would proceed further to interpersonal relations. Money contracts are a kind of communication which, as the only communication the Americans at this time are capable of, must suffice until a deeper understanding has time to take root.
Since the American context upheaval means the opposite of what it meant for Europeans, the true revolution has not yet appeared in the external life of the Country, although it has long been under the surface. It would consist not just in a dismantling of institutions but in the negation of the Universalist "ideas" inherent in them and the reversal of the sequence whereby institutions destroy themselves in order to display these "ideas" more transparently and absolutely. A true revolt for America would mean the overthrow of the anti-tribal, anti-instinct revolutionism wherein the society was forced to do an unnatural headstand. Society would regain its natural stance. It would establish fundamental organic relations among people and between people and land. Americans would spiritually and culturally incorporate with one another to become, within themselves, whole citizens.
Both dictatorship and democracy have advantages which suit these systems for different purposes. Dictatorship tends to bring order and efficiency to society, and is therefore suited to cope with crisis. Democracy, on the other hand, has greater tolerance for the individual. To say that democracy is superior to dictatorship is simply to say that peace and prosperity are better than crisis. However, no one would advocate authoritarian government when there is a possibility for personal freedom. Nevertheless it is clear that given enough time, democracy can equal and even surpass dictatorship in suppressing individual freedom.
Democracy decides issues by a concentration of ballots. All real politics ultimately come back, however, to a concentration of human will, energy, and passion. The productive and creative members of society, most of whom are white and have children of school age, inevitably have a basic and long-range political understanding quite apart from their voting habits and voting strengths; they make final decisions on important issues. The old, the young, and the weak and poor of a society cannot in the last analysis, by simple numerical majority, rigidly coerce and subjugate the solid core of workers and family heads. At most, the unproductive poor can exert themselves indirectly through a handful of resourceful leaders whose influence, however, is meditative.
The out-voted man, if he is astute and determined man, if he finds himself working for others and not himself, and if the voting majority has little strength beyond the ballot, accomplishes his individual ends by abolishing the entire system and setting up a new one for his private purposes. He establishes a dictatorship. The difference between dictatorship and democracy in this case is the incidental fact that formerly a majority oppressed a minority, whereas now a minority (within which there may be great personal freedom) dominates the majority. At the time of the overthrow, the democracy was already dead and superfluous, since there were individuals to whom the system was a mortal enemy.
The individuals become implacable enemies of the so-called democracy and will not rest until the system is destroyed. They are right in assuming that democracy would eventually crowd them out of existence as surely as would the most pernicious dictatorship, and the fact that under a democracy this process might take a little longer is unimportant.
In America more than twenty years ago there were crucial productive citizens alienated from the system. The estrangement was the consequence of block voting in which the individual identified his personal interests with those of this economic, ethnic or racial groups. The system, although perhaps already desperately ill, at the time still had the lucky feature that the voters of the majority imagined themselves to be a majority. They were therefore satisfied with the existing system, while the voting minority pondered the situation and was meanwhile mollified by its economic prosperity. The delusion of the "majority" is totally shattered, leaving each voter with the feeling that he is trapped in a hopeless minority and destined to be forever outside the system. The fallacy of democracy in a pluralistic society is that populations that do not essentially understand one another are potentially uncompromising toward one another. A true and lasting democracy is possible only when men understand one another. When they understand one another they do not need democracy. This is why in America the appearance of new movements with strong racial consciousness, even though there is no clearly defined ideological viewpoint, is a grave portent of the future.
Leaders can best protect their positions if they disrupt the instinctual solidarity of the men under them. While encouraging impersonalness among the subordinates by switching them around and shuffling them up them simultaneously implement symbolic and contractual relations among them, over which they, as leaders, are in control. Even in the early Egyptian kingdoms, bureaucrats and scribes were moved around to prevent them from forming an attachment to any one region.
With effusive pleas for harmony and peace pouring from all communications systems, the system must, to prevent the inward restlessness of clashing populations from bursting the seams of society, grow still larger and more rigid and doctrinaire. Meanwhile its internal operation becomes increasingly inefficient, more energy being expended merely in supporting the system irrespective of its special functions.
Society becomes to live off its own divisions. Its main business is that of pluralism. The individual comes to depend on the divisions of society for his livelihood. In these terms social work and sociology are the make-work projects of postwar America just as the Work Projects Administration was the panacea of the Great Depression. If depression is defined as a period where there are not enough useful jobs to go around, we are presently in such a depression, one in which men are not given useless menial jobs but useless white-collar jobs. For the creation of every unproductive job (this is the contemporary notion of "creativity"), a new job must be invented to integrate it with others.
The most ambitious and perhaps even heroic of these tasks, but ultimately a tragically heroic task, is to make the minority citizen into somebody's, the socialist's or the Adamic concept of a Man and a full human being and an equal.
The WPA led to the creation of some wonderful parks and zoos. All we have to show for our present middleclass make-work project is the numerical increase of minority citizens and the consequent need for more social workers and police. The dispenser of welfare and the receiver live off of each other, a contradiction which grows more apparent as the bureaucracy-welfare syndrome becomes a dominant theme of society. It remains to be seen how long a society can feed off itself without consuming some vital organ and killing the system.
To overcome the elemental dialectic of nature through the absolute universal abstraction of a "world society" would be to finally and absolutely negate the fundamental fact of biology and instinct. Human life, out of blind will to survive, backs away from such a possibility. Total organization of life on earth was achieved immediately following {‘WWII in the opposition of Eastern and Western blocs. Finally, having absorbed all other national feelings and viewpoints, the ideologies of East and West, the communist and democratic-pluralistic ideologies, confronted one another in an absolute and final opposition. And yet they were two sides of the same universality, opposites which could not be transcended. The real barrier to an absolute monolithic world economy and society was not, however, ideology. It was rather a basic organic and psychological barrier.
History today aims at particularity and individuality, the immediacy that is the essence of culture. For that reason, life will ultimately overwhelm "progressive" institutions and replace them with direct and intuitive human relationships. Life will revive the private and personal bond which the super society has so drastically subverted.
The wave of the future is regionalism, a continuity of formed, disciplined instincts. The accomplishment of regionalism will be through the level-by-level internalization of violence. This internal fighting will obviously begin in the super-blocs. Since they cannot fight between themselves - it is overwhelmingly believed that war on their scale of technology would annihilate all life - their component nations will assert themselves in compulsive struggles of "liberation." Turning away from the absolute barrier dividing the final world-segments ultimately means an increase of local violence, which in isolated cases can be seen breaking out even now.
Even though history and "social progress" is conspicuously reversing itself, the American institutional viewpoint continues to regard institutions as breaking away from regional and racial societies and toward an absolute world synthesis. Abstract structures are programmed to expunge and expel from themselves qualities associated with particular peoples and regions. This is the so-called silent and bloodless revolution of which communications, religious and teaching establishments proudly speak.
In systems built up around the outside personality of the media the values are inverted. Today the mass media conspicuously and even militantly tend to idealize ugly, corrosive and demoralizing images and values. Bourgeois sentimentality and patriotism have been turned around as a gleeful nihilism and raised as such to a solemn ethical mission. Pornography is democratic sex which replaces private and exclusive and exclusivist, in other words, "racist" eroticism. Universalism means anti-nationalism and anti-WASPism, the WASP being the hypothetical "native." The ethnic is the ideal American in that he is construed as non-American.
The Negro, then, is the one for whom democratic rights seem specially created. He is the basic reason for existence of both the mediation establishment and of America's leading institutions. Paradoxically, universities are turning out a class of people-sociologists, poverty workers and civil rights lawyers - who live off the Negro. Society must not only support him, it must support his nurses and babysitters. Black people themselves have nothing to say about this since civil rights is welfare of a great and powerful white interest group.
As an inverted citizen the mediators need the Negro as much as he needs them. The emerging ideal of American democracy is an abstract priesthood governing an amorphous colored mass.
It is a mistake of the black man to think he is fighting institutions when in fact he is the content of them, of that his enemy is the policeman who actually protects him from the ominous anarchist violence of the whites! A grave mistake! However, the black man will probably survive his mistake if only because he is not an institution unto himself but unto white people. The full impact of the revolt of life and instincts - we could call it white power - which before the deterioration of the world society was buried and latent, will fall rather upon the hyper-institutionalized man himself. This person, regardless of ethnic or racial affiliation, is so permeated with the abstractness of the structures with which he identifies that he must fall with them.
There is now beginning to emerge an inward feeling for a new American population comprised of Europeans who have marginally hybridized racially and culturally. This new race would still retain great diversity; the American ethnic groups, insofar as they are presently identifiable, would retain a certain identity, perhaps in different regions of America. Once Americans are again secure in their personal relationships and feel a sense of regional permanence, it may be expected that religion and art will undergo a new efflorescence. Society will break down rather than build up, to the optimum community size for art.
Existing American institutions are indeed still programmed to continue in this direction (world government, et al), on the assumption that the world society lies in the future. It is increasingly apparent, however, that the world society has already come and gone." "This is not to say that world organization was defeated. It is simply that no unity rooted to any extent in organic realities can transcend the elemental fact of segmentation. But even this "segmented" unity is now breaking apart.
This organic reversal does not mean, however, that institutions are reorienting themselves accordingly. Institutions are always behind the times. The uncertainty and disorientation in America today is that its hierarchies and ideologies are still programmed in anticipation of a civitas maxima, which in fact is already in the past. Appearing everywhere are regionalist struggles of "liberation."
The new populism, as before, is hostile to the abstractions of bureaucracy and money, as well as to the bluff of establishment intellectuals. The "soil" of the new populism is not only the land but, for the urban working man, the elemental tribal and ethnic and racial population.
The power and fame of the mediator depend on the fact that there are divisions in society. But they cannot be made to reject one another so thoroughly that they reject the whole idea of mediation. Nor can they be brought together in such a way that they fuse organically, in which case they would also lose interest in mediation.
Consequently the aim of the mediator is not to remain an outsider between groups of insiders, but to make all men outsiders, who are incapable of relationships other than those maintained through mediating symbols. However, this interference is dangerous business.
It is not likely that the American liberal actually wants total racial miscegenation. Rather he wants "integration" wherein men turn away from one another altogether and toward the priests of civil rights. The purpose of bringing the races together in intimate contact and in space originally relegated for social purposes is not to force them together on the level of instinctual society but, on the contrary, to make any such society impossible.
The various white nationalities are marginally closing together and developing a sense of common culture and race. The go-betweens are in haste to disrupt this understanding before it closes them out altogether. For his part, however, the black man, although violently expressing resentment of this past treatment, shows ever greater reluctance to cooperate himself not only socially but institutionally and symbolically, at first within the very systems which had accepted him through "integration" but more recently in increasingly remote and insular groupings and cults. These separatist tendencies spell eventual disaster for the mediation establishment, if not for the whole principle of democratic pluralism.
While he could not be a mediator if he owed allegiance to any nation or people, even perhaps his own abstract "nation" of mediators, he puts himself in a delicate position. He is inevitably identified with the interests of the opposing party, hence he is regarded as against the in-group. From the standpoint of the in-group, mediation always has a poisonous element. It is utterly imperative, if the mediator is to survive in this climate of hostility, that the groups continue to need contact; and that they nevertheless remain separate and even hostile so as to require his services. The go-between must be clever indeed to preserve this fragile balance in the unpredictable chaos of world politics.
WILMOT ROBERTSON
Wilmot Robertson wrote “The Dispossessed Majority” but could not find a publisher that would publish it. So he self-published, and it became a NYT best seller, from word of mouth alone. It is a seminal work, published in 1975, a prophetic work that has much value for us today. From Wilmot Robertson's the "Dispossessed Majority".....
“From the standpoint of the American Majority, the political dogma which served it so well during most of American history has now become one of the chief agents of its decline. From the standpoint of the minorities, it has become a powerful tool for their advancement. Almost every political act is now measured against the yardstick of minority interest. Almost every political event of the past and present is assigned to some way station along the March of Democracy. The current political struggle is falsely presented as a contest between liberalism and conservatism, exploited and exploiters, tolerance and intolerance, equality and inequality, freedom and oppression. Since it conceals the real nature of what is happening and the real intentions of the dogmatizers, dogmatic interpretation has become as powerful a force as dogma itself.
A principle cause of the powerful and pervasive anti-democratic element in modern America democracy is that elections come every two, four, or six years, while the media and pressure groups grind out their propaganda every day. Every politician is extremely sensitive to the bloc vote (farm, religious, minority, professions, regional economic labor, races, etc.). The economic blocs which form within the framework of representative government are storm signals of the second stage of democratic growth, the progression from the political to the economic democracy.
The equalitarian premise of economic democracy is that without an "equitable" distribution of wealth there can be no democracy at all. Marxism is the midwife of economic democracy. Lately, the third and final stage of democracy, the social phase, has begun to materialize. Like political and economic democracy, social democracy is not new. But it seems to come last in the cycle of democratic growth (or decay). Because it capitalizes on the deeper, by instinctive undercurrents of human behavior, its historical manifestations are not always easy to recognize and do not often penetrate conventional history books. Its theoretical genesis, however is not difficult to trace, being a composite of the religious concept of the brotherhood of man, Lockean and Jeffersonian assertions about human rights, Marxist class agitation and the pronouncements of modern anthropologists and sociologists concerning human sameness.
Once political and economic democracy takes hold in a society, the pressure for social democracy is certain to mount. This is especially true in a multiracial state. Inevitably, the unwashed, the disadvantaged and the envious will begin to ask, or will be asked to ask by ambitious politicians, "Why, if man is politically equal and getting to be economically equal, should he not be socially equal?" In the context of contemporary democratic politics, such a question has but one answer.
Social democracy is the thorniest stage of democracy in a multiracial state because more than any other phase it increases the area of contact, the social interface, of the various demographic elements-and the study of racial relations has shown that the greater the social interface, the greater the racial friction. Political democracy orders members of different populations groups to vote together, legislate together and rule together. Economic democracy makes it necessary for them to work together. Social democracy, however exponentially enlarges the area of contact by forcing the most diverse elements of the population to live together. At present this social mixing is restricted to neighborhoods, schools, playgrounds and clubs. But there are for cues at work to carry it into the last redoubt of individualism and privacy, the home.
The inner contradictions of the three phases of both ancient and modern democracy become apparent when it is remembered that political democracy begins as a means of protecting property, while economic democracy seeks to divide it up and social democracy encourages its theft. In the ironic chain of events that govern the democratic cycle, the same rights which were secured and recognized, often with great difficulty, in the political phase of democracy are deemphasized and frequently revoked in the economic and social phases. It is hard to believe that the right to privacy, the right to choose friends, neighbors and schoolmates, the right to join fraternal or social organizations, the right to air one's opinion in public and the right of access to one's own culture are not as fundamental to human liberty to the unfoldment of the human spirit as any other. Yet these are precisely the rights held in low esteem by the most ardent advocates of social democracy.
The Old Liberalism of Locke and Jefferson was an entirely different breed of ideology from the New Liberalism of today. The Old Liberalism stressed individual not collective enterprise, less government not more, states' rights not federal control, laissez-faire not welfare, liberty not security, evolution not revolution. Moreover, none of the great liberals of the past, in spite of their ringing appeals to equality, was willing to admit the equality of the races.
Public figures whose private lives have been a shambles and who have proved utterly incapable of raising their own children presume to write copious newspaper columns and magazine articles on family life, marital problems and child upbringing. The mother with a delinquent daughter, instead of improving conditions in her own home, becomes a social worker and attempts to help other families with delinquent daughters.
In the liberal scheme of things there is a widening gulf between the person and the act, the thought and the deed. The politician who fights for school integration sends his own children to private schools. The criminal is not really guilty. He has merely committed an unfortunate act caused by an unfavorable environment. Someone else or something else is guilty. The liberal loves every one of every race, but he flees to the suburbs where he prefers to live among whites, even conservative whites. It is so secret that liberals are fonder of mankind than men. The tragic view of life-the struggle of one man, not mass man, against the irreversibility of fate-does not fit easily into liberal thought. Nor does patriotism.
Modern liberalism, of course does not admit to being racist. In fact, it pretends to be anti-racist. But every word it speaks, every policy it supports, every program it publicizes, every cause it underwrites, every piece of legislation it introduces is racist to the core. Modern liberalism, in spite of its bewitching ecumenical clichés, is also dedicated to one segment of the American population, this time the Unassimilable Minorities.
Its original purpose subverted, its original ideals redirected and reinterpreted, the liberalism of today has become a minority religion. Within, the attack on private ownership grows fiercer, not because, as official socialist doctrine has it, state control of the means of production would bring about greater economic benefits, but because private property is one of the biggest stumbling blocks to the latter-day perversions of democracy and liberalism. The liberal-minority coalition does not covet property to spread it more equitably. The affluent minorities and most Majority liberals already have enough possessions and the poor minorities are more envious than greedy. The aim is not so much confiscation, as revenge. The declining fortunes of those on the way down provide a kind of ghoulish, satisfaction to those on the way up.
With the passing of the Melting Pot fantasy has come the anti-fantasy-- the American Mosaic. The intellectual mis-een-scene has suddenly been rearranged to accommodate a new sociological fad, the pluralistic society, in which all races and nationality groups live harmoniously side by side, all maintaining and strengthening their racial and cultural identity, each making its own contribution in its own way to the total picture of American life. Like the promoters of the Melting Pot, the salesmen of the pluralism have misread history, which teaches that pluralistic societies are static and caste-ridden and a standing invitation to disorder and disaster. Historically disoriented, the voices of pluralism are also dramatically contradictory. They are opposed to racism in theory, but support minority racism in practice. They uphold group identity, but demand integration. They approve of racial quotas, but are against racial discrimination.
Meanwhile, the American social order totters along in the grip of rising racial tension, which is both a cause and effect of pluralism. The Mosaic has turned out to be as great a failure, as great a misfiring of the imagination, as the Melting Pot. Mosaics are bits and pieces of inorganic matter which once put in place stay in place. Races are pulsating, organic continuities altering in size and status, now dynamic, now static, as the age dictates and as they dictate to the age. The Darkening Immigrants is not evidence that America is entering an age of pluralism. He is a harbinger of changing racial hierarchies.
In spite of all their divergences, Unassimilable minorities (many Southern Italians, miscellaneous Mediterranean and Balkan, Jews, most Mexicans, many Asians, many American Indians, most Puerto Ricans and most Negroes) have joined in an alliance which, with the assistance of Majority "Splitter" of the Ranks, has steered the march of American events for the greater part of the century. In addition, to combining their votes for carefully selected political candidates, the more dynamic of these minorities have overcome their polar differences to forge the solid ideological front which is destroying the most sacrosanct American institutions.
What then is the unifying force strong enough to prevail against all this diversity, the centripetal force mighty enough to turn off the racial centrifuge in which these minorities should logically be imprisoned? To paraphrase Nietzsche, it probably has to do with the will to power and the will to powerlessness---the desire for power by those Unassimilable Minorities who have little, the desire for more power by those who have much, and the desire to give away power by those who have much, and the desire to give away power by deracinated Majority members. Feeding these desires are such old psychological imponderables and intangibles as envy, insecurity, fear, hate and even, perhaps, self-hate. These desires have also received some economic nourishment, but not as much as might be supposed. In recent years, in the ghettos of the big cities, one minority has been looting, robbing, and burning the assets of another, yet the latter continues to put significant amount of its brainpower and money at the disposal of the former.
The only safe assumption to make about the force that unifies and galvanizes the Unassimilable Minorities is that it is most apparent and most forceful when directed against the Majority. Accordingly, it may be said that the chief source of minority unity and coordination is that great, sick, floundering, demographic whale, which can be attacked, smashed, bitten and nipped at with impunity. Above all else, it is opposition to the Majority which has built the effective but uneasy alliance between the Unassimilable Minorities and the Majority Splinters.
The social democrats attacked the Majority in a way that pleased the Majority's opponents most... race. The basic plan was to raise minority racism to the boiling point while submitting Majority race consciousness to the numbing ideology of liberalism. The second plan was to develop a technique whereby the will for the many could be defeated and voted down by the few. This was to be accomplished in two ways: controlling the vote by managed news, educational indoctrination and the nomination of carefully screened candidates; going around the vote, when necessary, by Supreme Court edicts and secret foreign policy commitments. Meanwhile, whenever social democracy went too far, too fast, and a spark of resistance flared, it could be taken care of by shouting down the speakers, breaking up their meetings, occupying plants, government offices and centers of learning or, if worst came to worst, detonating a few well-placed sticks of dynamite.
Certainly if the political phase is ever to be revived through the Herculean efforts of a united Majority party, it must be clearly remembered, as it was once so clearly understood, that democracy makes the highest demands of its participants and offers a measure of freedom only to those who can handle freedom. It is the rule of a people, not several peoples. The loftiest and most quixotic of all political ideals, it is even, perhaps, the expression of a racial trait. If so modern political scientists have been the biggest prospectors of fool's gold in the history of human thought.
Why have there been no successful proletarian revolutions and very few attempts at any kind of revolution in Northern Europeans or nations with predominantly Northern European populations? Is it unreasonable to assume that the genetic composition of the Northern European peoples has something to do with this record? Why is Japan, in spite of a defeat in WWII that involved atomic devastation, the most stable great power in Asia and the least susceptible to revolution? Is not part of the answer that Japan is the most racially homogeneous of the large Asian nations? Why is Costa Rica the most prosperous and progressive country in Central America? The fact that it is the one Central American state with a dominant and homogeneous white population may provide a clue. Why did Germany almost succumb to revolution after defeat in WWI yet become the most affluent and most stable nation in Europe after its much worse defeat in WWII. Could it be because the dynamic minority which was present in large numbers after WWI could hardly be said to exist after WWII.
The Law & Crime
Concerning adulteration of the law, Robertson states "As social systems grew more complex, laws were codified and began to spin their web throughout the length and breadth of human activity. In more sophisticated societies laws became the rules of the game of civilization. As respect for the law diminished, laws proliferated or rather degenerated into masses of contradictory regulations. Tacitus described the cause and effect relationship in one of his neater epigrams: "The more corrupt the government, the greater the numbers of laws.
Nevertheless, an established body of law has a conservative influence on society. The older laws are, the more inertia they acquire and the more difficult they are to change, particularly when they have the combined support of custom, religion and practicality. It is a truism that these triple foundations of an effective legal system are far more common in homogeneous than in heterogeneous societies. A diversity of people means a diversity of customs, which create basic contradictions in the fabric of the law from the very beginning. As Matthew Arnold once noted: the mixture of persons of different race in the same commonwealth unless one race had a complete ascendancy, tended to confuse all the relations of human life, and all men's notions of right and wrong.
Over the past twenty five years, the Supreme Court has had a drastic effect on all American lives. Robertson states: "It was foreseeable that the main wave of the legal attack against the Majority would be launched from the judicial branch of government. Overriding the will of the greatest number of Americans is more easily accomplished by nine men appointed to office and responsible to no one, not even to each other, than by legislators who are subject to periodic electoral review. The rulings of the liberal and minority Justices of the Supreme Court offered anti-Majority factions a quasi-legal means of achieving societal goals that could never been obtained through the normal legislation process.
Mr. Robertson has some very interesting statements on crime in a multi-racial society. "It is worth repeating that every race and every society have their criminals. But multiracial societies have more crime, and the multiracial society in which the struggle for power becomes an openly racial struggle has the most crime. Furthermore, there are some offenses, particularly certain kinds of sex offenses, which could only occur in heterogeneous societies.
Racial crime is becoming the most common type of crime in America, yet American law refuses to distinguish it from any other kind of crime. Everyone is still equal before the law and entitled to the same legal safeguards, although the racially-motivated criminal no more deserves the protection and benefits of due process than an enemy soldier captured in battle. Both the enemy soldier and, increasingly, the minority lawbreaker feel their crimes are not crimes in the real sense, but simply acts of justifiable violence against an oppressor. This is why the odds against the racial criminal's rehabilitation in prison are so high. To most minority prisoners, the modern American prison is little more than a prisoner-of-war camp-albeit a strange and incomprehensible one from which prisoners are released while the war is still in progress and where the troops of both sides are incarcerate together, as they continue at close quarters the racial conflict being waged outside. In a somewhat related matter, Mr. Robertson speaks racial conflict in the Vietnam War. He states Many Negro soldiers in Vietnam had special war aims of their own. Almost half of those questioned said they would use arms to gain their rights when they returned to the States. There were several military skirmishes between white and black troops during the course of the war, and 305 attacks on whites with fragmentation grenades resulting in 101 deaths.
Crime in America will almost certainly go on increasing until criminologists and social scientists are willing to consider the genetic ramifications of the problem. Because of the genetic link, crime prevention should start in the home or, more properly, in the bedroom. There are already too many Americans, and many too many criminal Americans. For those criminal elements who not only insist on multiplying, but multiplying much faster than non-criminal elements, the only alternative is sterilization. Professor Samuel J Holmes has stated that the sterilization of 10 percent of the American population would get rid of most hereditary defectives.
The Future
Mr. Robertson does not have any magic wands to correct the condition of the dispossessed Majority. In fact he expresses grave doubt for the survival of America as it now exists. By reading and understanding his thoughts it is easy to reach the same conclusion. He states "The Majority must look for deliverance and regeneration within the defenses of the mind. There will be no end to its dispossession until the Majority learns to reject all, repeat all, the main currents of modern liberal thought”, and there can be no such rejection until the non-liberal and anti-liberal forces which engender and direct modern liberalism are clearly understood. To understand what has happened to the Majority it is first necessary to realize that the deterioration of power is as much the result of success as it is failure. The hard-pressed society knows better that to let down its guard. It cannot afford to ignore the motives and acts of its opponents. Conversely, the successful or affluent society, by virtue of its surplus of life's necessities, has the time to turn away from the grindstone of daily existence. Less touched by the existential forces of the human condition, its members have the rare and dangerous opportunity of stretching their individualism well beyond the normal societal breaking point. The successful could afford to share their success, and the Majority did so with indiscriminate prodigality.
The new Americans began to vote, not as individuals, but as members of blocs. Many of them prospered greatly in an unrestricted economy, but they spent much of their wealth on group projects that were outside and often opposed to the national interest. They reveled in the freedom they could never win themselves, but instead of treating it respectfully and responsibly, they took advantage of it. Their children thronged to the free public schools of a matchless education system, where they learned enough about American civilization to criticize it, but not enough to become a part of it. It was predictable that the ruling race, having been leveled to equality, would be further demoted to subject status. It was understandable that the subject races, having been raised to equality, might wish to climb higher, particularly after learned professors flattered their genes and whetted their ambitions with allusions to racial superiority. It was logical that blacks, having been told they were equal or superior to whites, would blame their social disadvantages not on any innate limitations, but on a devilish white conspiracy. To smash stirrings of resistance, the liberal-minority general staff opened up all the old stops, the mind-deadening cacophony of Marxist and liberal dogma, the sly equalitarian appeals to minority racism, as well as a few new stops-drugs, pornography, homosexuality, the generation gap and women's liberation. As usual, the big guns blasted the weakest spots in the Majority's defenses-the children and the young women. But they zeroed in on the prime target, the Majorities last redoubt, the family. The dignity of the individual. The triumph of reason. The rights of man. The Majority's ancestors had been the first to develop these concepts and apply them to society. In their perverted modern form they were the killers of society. Race was still the unspeakable historical determinant, although the loudest denouncers and deniers of race were, as always, the biggest racists.
To the racial historian, race is the being and the becoming of organized humanity. As race has been the controlling factor of much of the human past, so it will assume even greater importance in the future. Supreme efforts can only be undertaken by large groups of men with similar political and social reflexes, by great teams’ not great mobs, specifically by great races. Race, the highest manifestation of the team spirit, may be nature's way of organizing men for the accomplishing of the un-accomplishable.
Just as the body rejects transplanted organs, races have the habit of rejecting transplanted ideologies. They may accept them temporarily, but the buildup of "antibodies" is unceasing.
At this particular point in time, the race best suited to shoulder the main weight of the evolutionary burden would appear to be the Northern European. The Northern European has managed to soar a little higher above the animal kingdom than the other divisions of mankind. At the moment, two devastating interracial wars within a quarter century and the dispossession of the American Majority, the largest reservoir of Northern European genes, have grounded him. Permanently or temporarily, it is too early to know. To put the Northern Europeans back on the evolutionary track-to rekindle the Northern European efflorescence-is a project of monumental complexity. Should this pooling of the work and thought of a highly gifted but widely dispersed people ever be effected, there would be such a preponderance of power that no external predator would dare so much as touch the remotest corner of the Northern European living space, either in Europe, North America, or Australasia. The minorities within this living space no longer able to prosper from the divisions of their hosts, might finally learn to look to themselves for sustenance.
Such is the shimmering prospect of a Pax Americana-a world more encompassing than the Pax Romana and more enduring and more constructive than the Pax Britannica. There would be emphatically no place for the old-style exploitation of nonwhites or the forcible adaptation of autochthonous civilizations to Northern European cultural norms.
But everything hangs on the fate of the American Majority. If its dispossession is not stopped and reversed, there will be no Pax Americana, no halt to the decline of the West. In fact, there will soon be no America. History is insistent in pointing out that when the dominant population group goes, the country goes. As is daily becoming more apparent, the dying fall of the American Majority is the dying fall of America itself.
A.K. CHESTERTON
A.K. Chesterton, an Englishman, published "The New Unhappy Lords" in 1970. It is an exposure of behind-the-scenes power politics.
“No less indicative of the new power which aspired to take charge of the governance of mankind was the curious circumstance that Paul Warburg, partner in the firm of Kuhn, Loeb, and Co., part financier of the Russian Revolution and agent-in-chief for the founding of the U.S. Federal Reserve system, accompanied President Wilson to the Versailles Peace Conference (1918), where he acted as financial advisor to the American delegation, while the German delegation employed as financial adviser a partner in the Hamburg lending house run by Paul Warburg's brother, Max. Although Versailles has often been described as the scene of a welter of national interest contending one against the other, in truth the dominating interest to be served was infra-national, or what we should today describe as internationalist.
As a long term policy, the British peoples were being softened-up. Disarmed physically and, through the deliberate denigration of patriotism and a proper pride, spiritually, they were made ready for a takeover bid. By whom? Some would say "by the Communists." My own reply would be: by the new world power which saw - and sees – the possibility of using both Communism and Loan-Capitalism as twin instruments with which to subdue and govern, not the British nation alone, but all mankind.
The Money Power intends that no nation shall be sovereign, that it alone shall exercise sovereign power on earth. The distance it has already travelled towards the fulfilment of its aims is terrifying.
This intention is no mere conjecture. Appearing in 1950 before a sub-committee of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in hearings entitled Revision of United Nations Charter, James Paul Warburg of the powerful banking family said, "The past fifteen years of my life (thus including the war years!) have been devoted almost exclusively to studying the problem of world peace and especially the relation of the United States to those problems. These studies led me, 10 years ago, to the conclusion that the great question of our time is not whether or not One World can be achieved, but whether or not One World can be achieved by peaceful means. “We shall have World Government whether we like it or not. The question is only whether World Government will be achieved by consent or conquest. So, reader, there you are - "Whether you like it or not”.
On the monarchs of the world Chesterton states, "The reason, no doubt, is that historically the role of the Monarch has been to protect the people against those who were their oppressors, sometimes "wicked barons", at other times the great vested interests, and at yet other times the usurers - particularly the usurers. That is why Edward I of England, a great King, should be honoured by every Englishman. To historically informed minions of the Money Power, however, his name is accursed. After endeavoring to secure fair dealing for his subjects against the extortions of money, by means of a notable piece of legislation called the Statute of Jewry, and after his discovery that the Statute was being circumvented in every possible way, he decided to expel the Jews from England. This and many other endeavors by the Monarchies in other lands to save their subjects from persecution have built up a strong bias against Kingship in those who today aspire to rule the world, with the result that almost all the crowned heads have disappeared from the face of the earth.
He further states, "Patriotism and the safeguarding of national interests, together with the national tendency to stand by the men and women of European lineage wherever they may be, are systematically discouraged and scorned. In place of these traditional values the malign doctrines of internationalism are preached, and children are being brought up in the unnatural and poisonous belief that racial integration is among the most desirable of all human objectives. Brock Chisholm, the first Director General of the World Health Organization (one of the United Nation's agencies), declared that the ideal skin for a human being is a coffee colored skin and U.N.E.S.C.O. (another United Nations' agency) has brought out several publications to proclaim the lie that there is no fundamental difference in aptitudes between the different races of mankind. Nobody is encouraged to observe the end results of racial integration in places such as Brazil, the Cape, and the West Indies. Irresponsible and wicked though the doctrines of U.N.E.S.C.O. undoubtedly are, that does not alter the fact that the Organization's agency in Great Britain is the Ministry of Education, or the fact that New Zealand's Department of Education has taken the lead in disseminating propaganda hostile to national sovereignty and in favor of internationalism and mixing of the races.
Again on world government..."The merging of the nations is no new idea. Paul Warburg in the early twenties was calling for a United States of Europe, which he probably saw as a Communist outfit responsible to the dictates of Wall St. In the late thirties much support was forthcoming, from interesting as well as idealistic sources, for the plan ascribed to Clarence Streit of an Atlantic Union, which was to be a federation of the fifteen or so countries with an Atlantic seaboard. At that time Hitler's Germany was used as a bogey to try to make the countries concerned federate. When Germany was defeated, the promoters of Federal Union, in no way abashed, made the Soviet Union the bogey in her place. The BBC, which in any choice between nationalism and internationalism has always backed the internationalist case plugged the Federal Union scheme in programme after programme, not even neglecting the Children's Hour, and every offer by the present writer to secure men of national fame to put the other side of the case was declined. Atlantic Union (of which Lester Pearson is a champion) still remains one of several schemes for the staged "advance" to World Government. The creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is itself a functional approach to Atlantic Union.
Then there was the Strasbourg approach, which worked, and perhaps still works, for a Federated Europe as one of the stepping-stones towards the federation of the world. Lack of immediate success does not mean the abandonment of the plan. Strasbourg is still the spiritual home, and indeed the capital city of the European federalists.
On "One World" & immigration, he states, "So disastrous has been the flooding of the country by the sea of colored immigrants that one wonders what economic motives have prompted its sponsors. To pass the kitchen entrance to many of the chief catering firms when there is a change of shift provides part, if only a small part, of the answer. The dominating motive may will have been not economic but political – the conspiratorial plan, everywhere being carried out, of securing the mongrelization of mankind. More will be said about this later. What has here to be stated, with the greatest possible emphasis, is that the mixing of White and Black or Colored people results in hordes of unhappy half-castes who feel that they belong nowhere, whose tendency is to embrace the vices of both racial stocks and not to strive after the virtues, and who must eventually, through no fault of their own, bring to an end the tremendous history of achievement which is the heritage of the European nations.
"Criminality", have I described the sponsorship of these migrations? I understated its significance. The movement at base is not merely criminal: such destruction of the happiness and contentment of peoples still unborn is more than criminal: in the truest sense of the word it is diabolical. What is more, it is aimed at the destruction of the great British nation and system of nations. In times past men were hanged for treason much less full of menace than this treason, but the men responsible for it will go, not to the block at the Tower of London, but to the British House of Lords.
As more and more colored immigrants make their presence felt, the Government and many hundreds of other organizations are doing everything in their power (including legislation contained in two Race Relations Acts) to force native Britons to welcome them, to integrate with them and to pretend that deep-lying differences of customs and psychological patterns are no impediment to disparate groups functioning as a homogeneous nation. It is more than intellectually unfashionable, it can even be a crime punished by a prison sentence, for the Anglo-Saxon and the Celts to express a preference for living their own way of life among their own kind.
J. Edgar Hoover said: "Too often in recent years patriotic symbols have been shunted aside. Our national heroes have been maligned, our history distorted. Has it become a disgrace to pledge allegiance to our flag, or to sign a loyalty oath, or pay tribute to our national anthem?” This work of denigration is no mere fashion: it is calculated policy”.
Here, indeed is the chief feature in the pattern of world conspiracy which we have been tracing throughout this book. The "cold war" was a device, not to divide and rule, but to confuse and unify. The United States and the Soviet Union have been partners in every act of conspiracy. There is little doubt that this seeming duality is not in fact dual but represents two arms of the same power instrument. And there is still less doubt that unless the contrived dichotomy is tackled in detail, exposed as fraudulent, and denounced as a pestilence-laden plot, there will be no freedom for the world but only a world doped, stupefied, brainwashed and made ready for spiritual death.
Let there be no doubt about it, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, although enjoying the Royal cachet, is far more responsive to the views of bodies such as the Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations that it is amenable to the pursuit of distinctively British interests. Precisely the same comment may be made about the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations concerning American national interest.
Chesterton asks the question, "Is the Conspiracy Jewish?" "It is a fact that a minority of Jews, because of their greater intensity or whatever the reason may be, formed the hard core which promoted both the Menshevik and Bolshevik revolutions and have also been prominently identified with Communist movements in every other country. This support was not greatly diminished even after Stalin "liquidated" most of the Jews who founded the Soviet Union, not ostensible because they were Jews but as alleged Trotskyists.
The attraction for a certain type of Jew of subversive activities cannot in honesty be gainsaid. Most defendants in the spy trials in Canada, following the revelations of Gouzenko, who defected from the Soviet Embassy, were Jews, and Gouzenko in his evidence affirmed that Moscow looked upon such people as being inherently suited for espionage work. The men charged with espionage relating to nuclear weapons in the subsequent United States trials were also mostly Jews. So were Jews the moving spirits in the espionage ring which sought out Admiralty secrets in Great Britain. Blake, for instance, despite the immaculately British name he adopted, was a Dutch Jew who had been given sanctuary in England when his family fled from the Nazi invasion of Holland. There is no evidence that he showed remorse at betraying the country which harbored him. Eighty per cent of the White defendants in the sabotage trials in South Africa were Jewish, although Jews form only a small part of the Republic's White population. Their strong sense of solidarity causes the law-abiding members of the Jewish community, whose outlook is often conservative, if not to defend the subversive elements, at any rate to embark upon rather slippery arguments that Jews are a religious and not a racial group, so that apostates are not to be looked upon as Jewish. Such arguments are specious and deceive only the simple.
There is evidence that Zionism has ambitions far beyond the creation of a Jewish State in the Levant. David Lilienthal, deviser of the Tennessee Valley project and of the Franco-German steel iron and coal merger, and at one time chairman of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission wrote of the Jew that it was his destiny to lead mankind into universal brotherhood under a World Government. Here, I suggest, is the major Zionist objective - One World. It is a concept which appeals to the idealistic side of the Jewish mentality, but it appeals still more to that side of the Jewish mind which is preoccupied with the drive towards monopoly, above all a world monopoly of political power.
It is from New York that the master manipulators exercise direct power over Finance-Capitalism and indirect control over Communism. Are these master-manipulators and master conspirators Jewish? Because of the power of the purse afforded by the control of credit and by preponderant participation in America's most powerful industries and commercial firms, and because of commercial preponderance in the economies of the so-called "free world", the answer is almost certainly "yes". Whether or not One World is the secret final objective of Zionism, World Jewry is the most powerful single force on earth and it follows that all major policies which have been ruthlessly pursued through the last several decades must have had the stamp of Jewish approval. Indeed, common sense applied to such facts as have come to light must lead to the conclusion that the policies, directed against the most cherished Gentile values, were incubated by adroit Jewish brains and fulfilled, or carried to the verge of fulfilment, by the dynamism of the Jewish spirit. At the same time, so many Gentiles are associated with the conspiracy, both directly and through the formation of fronts, there are so many Gentiles agents and agencies, and so many Gentile governments which have acquiesced in the conspiracy by falling into line with policies inimical to their own national interest, that it would be ludicrous to offload upon Jewish shoulders responsibility for the destruction, or near destruction, of Christendom and the Western world. Nevertheless, it would be equally ludicrous to deny the Jewish part, especially where it is admitted.
The idea of so large a conspiracy seems preposterous, it is not nearly as preposterous as the assumption that the post-war shaping of the world is innocent of design.
However, in the world take-over bid and the conspiracy underlying it, there are certain overtones and undertones which cannot be thus explained. There is nothing natural in allowing the larger part o 'Africa to lapse into savagery, even though the disorder may be planned as the prelude to the imposition of a new order devised by the monopolists. There is nothing natural about the flooding of colored immigrants into the British Isles. There is nothing natural in the universal cry for the integration of disparate races, the effect of which - as all experience teaches - is disastrous. And although national governments may be an obstacle to the exercise of international political power, there is nothing natural about the emotionally charged attack on national sovereignty and with by one privileged exception (Israel) the frenzied assault on patriotism.
When Hitler rebelled against the Money Power there arose an urgent necessity to smash him and his barter system. What must have appalled the manipulators of international finance was that a nation state, especially after compliance of the corrupt Weimar Republic should dart to control its own financial affairs. Mussolini had done much the same thing in Italy when he made speculation in the lira a criminal offence. In centuries past, a similar hostility was shown against monarch because the money manipulators had been driven out of one country after another by royal decree. Hence the numbers of monarchies liquidated after each of the world wars. If nation states, even without benefit of monarchy, were to opt out of the international financial network, then there was an inherent danger in nation states as such, and after the liquidation of Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy all remaining nations had to be softened up with a view to their absorption in federal bodies - such as the European Economic Community - any ultimately in a One World Federation. This could be done only by deriding the values of patriotism and nationhood and exalting in their place what are called internationalist ideals but which in reality are the slogans used by the power-addicts to make acceptable their supranational plans.
Then there is "race." Hitler's Germany had to some extent been founded on a concept of race, not a very clear concept in its positive aspect, but exceedingly clear in its negative aspect. It was anti-Jewish. If the Gentiles were not to be allowed to attach value to race, obviously all racial concepts had to be eradicated and - not only that - the races themselves had to become so inter-mixed, so integrated that no further pride in them would be possible. Hence the efforts of the Oppenheimer-backed Progressives in South Africa. Hence the extraordinary contortions in Australia to involve the aborigines in the White community and the relentless undermining of the White Australia policy. Hence the exhortation to New Zealanders "to embrace an Asian destiny." Hence the moves against "racial discrimination" in Great Britain. Hence the cry for integration everywhere on earth – except among the Jews. Tackled on this subject, Jewish spokesmen say, not very convincingly, that the Jew is neither a national nor a racial entity, but a religious entity. I believe, and have reason for my belief, that the Jews are the principle promoters of the idea of integrating peoples of disparate racial stocks. They have the mysterious power to mold public opinion, decide public attitudes and set intellectual fashions.
As nature abhors a physical vacuum, so does it abhor a power vacuum? The world having become conditioned to accept the international exercise of power, it would be remarkable, indeed incredible, if that power were not exercised. What is more, as policy objectives and the means for their attainment are seldom if ever, openly avowed, it follows that the planning is conspiratorial. Here and there may be hitches and setbacks in the fulfilment of any one plan or plans, but either they are overcome or alternative plans are put into operation.
Stated in other terms, and bearing in mind the constant urge towards power in the human psyche, all the factors which favor a conspiracy are present. Because the money and credit monopoly is controlled by a very few men, because all the other factors favoring a monopoly are provided by institutions created for that purpose, because time and again national governments have shown themselves submissive, one can only ask why, if there is no conspiracy, world policy ever since the war should have followed the same broad pattern. In brief, if there is no conspiracy, why is there no conspiracy? Why should nature abhor all power vacuums except this particular vacuum? If the means of controlling the lives and destinies of mankind exist, as undoubtedly they do exist, why should use of them go by default? It is not as though there was any shortage of unscrupulous manipulators. There would be no such power vacuum if nations held tenaciously to their sovereign independence, but as we have seen, this independence has been bartered by venal politicians in return for the mere trapping of power and the opportunity to posture on the stage of public life.
I ask the reader to accept my thesis that the control is fully operative, and that, although Burns was right in saying that the best-laid plans of mice and men gang aft agedly, given constancy of purpose the controllers are able to jettison plans which miscarry and substitute others which serve the same ends. In other words, I ask the reader to accept my assurance that a conspiracy of world-wide dimensions does exist and that unless we manage to defeat the conspirators, no matter how great the odds against us, we shall have nothing to pass on to our successors except the certainty of enslavement”.
LOUIS R. BEAM - www.louisbeam.com
Mr. Beam, from East Texas, was a Huey door gunner in Viet Nam, speaker, white activist, communist fighter, lots more. He was tried for sedition against the United States government in 1986, acquitted at Fort Smith by a jury of American people. He was referred to by the Leftist organization, The Southern Poverty Law Center, as the most dangerous man in America.
Fall1991, From his newsletter the "Seditionist". - Now that Communism as a political force has met an ignoble and well deserved demise in all parts of the world where Whites live, and is only extant in a few scattered colored countries, what will be the issue of main concern for conservatives, right-wingers and nationalists in the United States? Further, what will the myriads of single issue anti-communists occupy themselves with now that Communism is a dead issue? Will some other political/social concern now rise to the same prominent position that the Marxist ideology formerly held the minds of most people?
In Russia it is now illegal to belong to the communist party. The Soviet military, KGB, news media, and most government ministries have been purged of all communist party members. Statues of Lenin and his murdering accomplices of the Bolshevik revolution have come crashing to the ground to be urinated on by exuberant Russians anxious to baptize Lenin in the only holy water fit for a communist. The Soviet Union for the foreseeable future will be nothing more than a loose federation of conflicting interests. The Baltic's are now free from their masters, and other republics will no doubt join them.
So, what do anti-communists now concern themselves with? This is no idle question. Anti-communism as a political tenant and bedrock of faith has been second only to belief in freedom by those in America who are to the political right of Karl Marx. It has been the one single issue that all who love liberty have agreed upon. Now that the threat of a communist take-over in the United States is nonexistent, who will be the enemy we all agree to hate?
In years past, while facing the perceived threat from Moscow, Americans have had their backs toward Washington D.C. As a result, more harm came to this country from Washington than from Moscow; the threat to freedom that the Soviet Red Army posed has been realized not by their force of arms or nuclear power, but by their having drawn our attention away from Washington and toward Moscow. A distraction that allowed criminal politicians to stab us in the back. Perhaps that was the plan all along. Those who make the laws in this country, corrupted by power, money, greed, and false ideology, have done far more to strangle the life out of freedom in this country than all the commissars in the Soviet Union combined.
The above being the indisputable case, will Washington D.C. now get the attention it deserves from patriots...the same attention that one would give to a large black snake that came slithering into bed? Considering all the real, as opposed to threatened evil that has emanated from La Cesspool Grande over the years since the election of Franklin Roosevelt, might it not be that the whore capitol of the world should now get our undivided concentration?
The death of Communism spells the death of anti-Communism, freeing up millions for a more important battle with Washington. The death of anti-communism will fertilize the political ground that produces the birth of anti-Federalism in the United States. The evil empire in Moscow is no more. The evil empire in Washington D.C. must meet the same fate. Then we can rest.
IVOR BENSON
Ivor Benson was a journalist, right-wing essayist, anti-communist and racist conspiracy theorist. He fanatically supported apartheid in South Africa. He also wrote frequently about a global Jewish/Communist conspiracy; his main book on the subject, This Worldwide Conspiracy, was supported by the right-wing London Swinton Circle and recommended by the neo-Nazi National Front. Benson blamed the BBC, Wall Street banking interests, the government of the Soviet Union, and the World Council of Churches as drivers of a global conspiracy to wipe out his preferred nationalism.
We have had a century in which virtually all great power has been exercised through the instrumentality of an alliance of money (pure finance capitalism) and intellect (rootless, disoriented intellect). This alliance of money and intellect has, since shortly before the commencement of World War II, been almost entirely under the ultimate direction and control of a Jewish nationalism, better known as Zionism.
It is this triple alliance which has given the world an age of conflict and suffering without any precedent in recorded history, as it sought to undermine and smother every manifestation of national self-determination except its own Zionism.
As we approach the end of the 20th century, we can see that two of the components of this alliance have begun to undergo an important process of change which could profoundly affect the progress of the world government ambition.
The change in the realm of money consists of a shift of the center of gravity of industrial production, therefore of all real wealth production, from the west, where it had its origin in the Industrial Revolution, to the Pacific area. The United States, for long the world's leader in industry and finance, is now a major debtor nation. Tokyo is replacing New York as the financial capital of the world.
Simultaneous with this resurgence in the east, we see social and political disintegration in the west, some of it the price to be paid for a century and a half of imperialism and colonialism but most of it the result of a deliberate campaign of cultural undermining and poisoning conducted at great profit by the world's would-be new masters, the Zionists.
By all the present signs, the West could quite soon cease to be the stronghold of wealth and influence from which it has been possible for the greater part of this century to conduct a one-world imperialism.
Equally important and wholly unpredicted was the change which has occurred in the realm of the intellect, that second component of the triple alliance which has given us the kind of world in which we now live. Simultaneously all over the world, on both sides of the so-called Iron and Bamboo curtains, the educated classes find it impossible any longer to believe in socialism as a personal faith and program of world improvement.
We see in the Soviet Union, in Red China and in nearly all the communist countries what a transformation occurs when an entire leadership class, leaders, bureaucrats, police, army and all, suddenly cease to believe in what they are doing.
A great idea which at the turn of the century was loudly acclaimed by the educated as "the wave of the future" can now be seen on all sides as “the wave of the past."
Socialism, which was to have been the political and economic blueprint for all mankind, could not be made to work, being out of register with the imponderable realities of human nature. Even in the "capitalist" west, where applied by parliamentary means, as in Britain, its works have had to be dismantled. All the educated classes are left with now is a vague one-world Universalist idealism, unsupported by any idea about how this could possibly be achieved.
As a widespread rejection of Christian orthodoxy created a vacuum in the western mind which socialism was quickly able to fill, so now the untenability of socialism was quickly able to fill, so now the untenability of socialism has created another vacuum just waiting to be filled. We have not had to wait long to find out how the operation will be attempted--the new "religion substitute" is evidently to be Greenpeace, an internationalist, Universalist creed and movement supposedly designed to rescue the world's environment.
The seemingly boundless quantities of money suddenly made available for this movement and the enormous sympathetic media exposure given to its activities around the world should have warned us immediately. What is evidently intended is to set up innumerable "Green" parties, or establish a strong internationalist and Universalist factor in all the existing "Socialist," "Democratic" and "Labor" parties.
The world
government ambition, of which so much has been said and written and which is now
even mentioned in Congress, is perhaps better understood as something we have
had for a long time, rather than as something that could be imposed on us in the
future, something to be avoided if possible.
What has made it hard to recognize as world government is the fact that its role has been almost exclusively destructive; and we are not inclined to regard destructiveness as a form of government.
Some have preferred to call it the 20th-century world revolution. Quigley has called it a "network" and has given us some account of its secret and subterranean nature. It was what Toynbee had in mind when he wrote that, "We are working discreetly but with all our might to wrest this mysterious force called sovereignty out of the clutches of the national states of the world."
Whatever it is and whatever we care to call it, this 20th-century imperialism, which has swallowed up and succeeded all the separate national imperialisms of the 19th century and earlier, has exhibited a marvelous continuity of purpose.
One of the most conspicuous features of this world government, or whatever we care to call it, is its obvious inability to create or set up anything that works. The USSR, which was to have set an example to the world, is now threatened with disintegration as all of its Captive Nations begin to struggle for freedom and self-determination.
Only a massive flow of aid, both in money and trained personnel, now prevents scores of new states of the Third World from collapsing into total anarchy and famine. Hundreds of billions of dollars, pounds, etc., in loans have had to be written off, with no possibility of any improvement in any of these countries in sight.
How much longer can this go on?
For "this worldwide conspiracy," as Winston Churchill once dared to call it, the greatest single aggrandizement of power came with the dispossession of the American "majority," descendants of the people who with their energy, enterprise and intelligence raised America to the status of the wealthiest and most powerful nation in history. Those who wish to understand what the concept of world government means only need to know what has happened to the United States of America--who finances the politics, who controls the mass media, who dominates the institutions of higher education, the book trade, etc.
Of almost equal importance was the overthrow, dispossession and virtual genocide of the traditional ruling class in czarist Russia. There, however, a huge power-political thaw seems to have set in; and the situation in the Soviet Union today is very different from what was confidently expected by those western bankers who financed the Bolshevik Revolution.
Vanished forever is the dream of the Soviet Union as the working model for a "world workers socialist republic." The Soviet Union may cease quite soon to be "a riddle, wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma," as Churchill once called it.
Russian emigres with lines of communications into Moscow, Leningrad and other centers of power are convinced that it is Russian hands which now rest on the levers of power in the Kremlin and Russians who now control a much-altered KGB. It would be hard otherwise to explain the vastly increased freedom of published expression and of public protest in the Soviet Union.
Indeed, there is undoubtedly more freedom of expression in the Soviet Union today than in most western countries, where an invisible and arcane censorship is just as effective as any ever imposed by the KGB and its predecessors.
Altogether unpredicted, too, is another development of rapidly increasing significance: a resurgence of the religion of Islam, the faith of an estimated 1 billion people.
Any influence which the Islamic faithful can exert in world power politics is greatly enhanced, even compounded, by the way in which Moslems are distributed around the world, including nearly all the countries of the west and the Soviet Union. Britain alone is said to have close on 2 million Moslems, organized in communities around some 2,000 mosques.
It is reasonable to suppose that Israel's agonizing problem in Palestine would have been snuffed out long ago were it not for the fear of an immediate chain reaction of grave consequences in many other places. A fundamentalist Islam in Iran has demonstrated as never before in this century the potential power of religion as a means of marshaling popular political resistance.
The question is often asked how and why it has been possible for people in the west to be so unresponsive to repeated warnings about a world-government conspiracy which could plunge the whole world into another prolonged dark age.
One part of the answer, we may be sure, is that all the peoples of the west have been caught up in an unprecedented prodigality of production and wealth creation made possible by modern science and technology--opening up new possibilities for the exploitation of human nature's inherent defects.
Another and much deeper part of the explanation may perhaps be drawn out of a timeless Shakespearean quotation: "By an instinct divine, men's minds mistrust ensuing danger."
In other words, we are required to learn through experience, because experience is the turmoil, sometimes even the chaos, out of which all real innovation and progress are born. And it has evidently needed the most painful experience to convince millions of the educated that intellect, with its powers of reason, is of strictly limited utility in the life process.
(We see in the Soviet Union today, more clearly than anywhere else, what learning through experience can achieve and what happens when an affronted instinct fights back.)
This brief discussion of the subject of world government would be incomplete without mention of a form of resistance which could produce some highly dramatic effects in the next few years: namely historical revisionism.
As George Orwell succinctly put it, "Who controls the
present controls the past; who controls the past controls the future"--meaning
that we cannot understand what is happening now and we have no control of what
happens in the future unless we understand what has happened in the
past. It only needs the demolition of one or two of
the 20th century's most elaborately contrived and most vigorously promoted
falsehoods, the "holocaust"
lie, for example--to shake the foundations of that third component of the triple
alliance which has given the world an age of conflict and suffering
unprecedented in recorded history.